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Chaplain T. G. Steward, D. D. 



The Colored Reg\ilars 

In the United States Army 

WITH A 

Sketch of the History of the Colored American, and an Account of 

Kis Services in the Wars of the Country, from the 

Period of the Revolutionary War to 1S99. 

INTRODUCTORY LETTER FROM 

Lieutenant- General Nelson. A. Miles 

Commanding the Army of the United States. 



BY CHAPLAIN T. G. STEWARD, D.D. 

Twenty-fifth U. S. Infantry. 



COPYRIGHTED 1904 



PHILADELPHIA 

A. M. E. BOOK CONCERN, 

631 PINE STREET. 

1904 



LitJaARy of CONGRESS 
Two Ciioies Receivad 

NOV 23 i^O? 

Goityrifc-Rt entry 
CLASS A. aAc. :lv 

'copy a. 






C90 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTORY. 

CHAPTER I.— SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY. 

The Importation of the Africans. Character of the Colored Population in 

i860. Colored Population in British West Indian Possessions. Free 

Colored People of the South. Free Colored People of the North. 

Notes. 21 

CHAPTER II.— THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE 
MILITARY SPIRIT. 
Early Literature of Negro Soldiers. Negro Soldiers in the War of the 
Revolution. The War of 1812. Negro Insurrections. Negro Troops 
in the Civil War. Notes. 57 

CHAPTER III.— THE BLACK REGULARS OF THE ARMY 
OF INVASION IN THE SPANISH WAR. 
Organization of Negro Regiments in the Regular Army. First Movement 
in the War. Chickamauga and Tampa. Notes. 84 

CHAPTER IV.— BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY. 

107 

CHAPTER v.— PASSAGE. LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE 
IN CUBA. 

The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas. The "Rescue of the Rough Riders." 
Was there an Ambush? Notes. 116 

CHAPTER VI.— THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY. 
The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry. 150 



CHAPTER VII.— SAN JUAN. 
Cavalry Division: The Ninth and Tenth Regiments. Kent's Division: 
The Twentj'-fourth Infantry. Forming under fire. A Gallant Charge. 

191 

CHAPTER VIII.— SAN JUAN (Continued). 
Kent's Division. The Twenty-fourth Infantry. Forming Under Fire. 
A Gallant Charge. 208 

CHAPTER IX.— THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS. 
In the Trenches. The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp. Are Negro 
Soldiers Immune? Camp Wikoff. 220 

CHAPTER X.— REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS. 
Gallantry of the Black Regulars. Diary of Sergeant Major E. L. Baker. 
Tenth Cavalry. 236 

CHAPTER XL— THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS. 
The Ninth Ohio Battalion. Eighth Illinois. Twenty-third Kansas. Third 
North Carolina. Sixth Virginia. Third Alabama. The Immunes. 

282 

CHAPTER XII.— COLORED OFFICERS. 
By Captain Frank R. Steward, A. B., LL. B., Harvard, 49th U. S. Volun- 
teer Infantry. 299 

APPENDIX. 

328 



PREFACE. 



The material out of which the story of the COLORED 
REGULARS has been constructed has been collected with 
great panis, and upon it has been expended a serious amount 
ot labor and care. All the movements of the Cuban campaign, 
and particularly of the battles, have been carefully studied by 
the aid of official reports, and conversations and correspond- 
ence with those who participated in them. The work has been 
performed with an earnest desire to obtain and present the 
truth, hoping that the reader will be inspired by it to a 
more profound respect for the brave and skilled black men who 
passed through that severe baptism of fire and suffering, con- 
tributing their full share to their country's honor. 

It is also becoming in this place to mention with gratitude 
the encouragement given by the War Department both in 
granting me the time in which to do the work, and also in sup- 
plying me with documents and furnishing other facilities. By 
this enlightened course on the part of the Department great 
aid has been given to historical science, and, incidentally, 
very important service rendered to the cause of freedom and 
humanity. A struggling people has been helped and further 
glory reflected upon the Government. The President, himself, 
has manifested a kindly interest in the work, and has wished 
that the story of the black soldiers should be told to the world. 
The interest of the Commanding General of the Army is shown 
in his letter. 
Thus encouraged from ofRcial sources and receiving the 



most hearty words of cheer from friends, of whom none has 
been more potent or more earnest than Bishop B. W. Arnett, 
D. D., of the African M. E. Church, I have, after 
five months of severe labor, about completed my task, 
so far as I find it in my power to complete it; and trusting 
that the majesty and interest of the story itself will atone for 
any defects in the style of the narration, the volume is now 
offered to a sympathetic public, affectionately dedicated to the 
men whose heroic services have furnished the theme for my 
pen. 

T. G. STEWARD. 
Wilber force, Ohio, September, 1899. 



/ 
/ 
( 

/ 



LETTER FROM GENERAL MILES. 



Headquarters of the Army, Washington, 
August 5, 1899. 
Rev. T. G. Steward, Chaplain 25th Infantry, 
Wilberforce, Ohio. 

Dear Sir : — Your letter of the 20th uhimo was duly received, 
but my time has been so much engrossed with official duties, 
requiring my presence part of the time out of the city, that it has 
not been practicable to comply with your request earlier ; and 
even now I can only reply very briefly. 

You will remember that my acquaintance with negro charac- 
ter commenced during the Civil War. The colored race then 
presented itself to me in the character of numerous contrabands 
of war, and as a people who, individually, yearned for the light 
and life of Hberty. Ages of slavery had reduced them to the 
lowest ebb of manhood. From that degree of degradation I 
have been an interested spectator of the marvelously rapid evo- 
lution of the down-trodden race. From the commencement of 
this evolution to the present time I have been more or less in 
a position to closely observe their progress. At the close of 
the war I was in command of one of the very important military 
districts of the South, and my concern for the welfare of all the 
people of that district, not excluding the people of color, you 
will find evidenced in the measures taken by me, more especially 
in regard to educational matters, at that time. The first regi- 
ment which I commanded on entering the Regular Armv of the 
United States at the close of the war was made up of colored 
troops. That regiment — the 40th Infantry — achieved a reputa- 



tion for military conduct which forms a record that may be 
favorably compared with the best regiments in the service. 
Then, again, refer to my General Order No. i, issued after the 
fall of Santiago, and you will see that recognition is not grudg- 
ingly given to the troops who heroically fought there, whether 
of American, of African, or of Latin descent. If so early in the 
second generation of the existence of the race in the glorious 
light of liberty it produces such orators as Douglas, such edu- 
cators as Booker T. Washington, such divines as the Afro- 
American Bishops, what may we not expect of the race when it 
shall have experienced as many generations of growth and de- 
velopment as the Anglo-Saxons who now dominate the thought, 
the inventive genius, the militar^^ prowess, and the commercial 
enterprise of the world ! \'ery trulv vours, 

NELSON A. MILES. 





Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles. 



Headquarters of the Army, 
Siboney, Cuba, July i6, 1898. 
General Field Orders No. i. 

The gratifying success of the American arms at Santiago de 
Cuba and some features of a professional character both im- 
portant and instructive, are hereby announced to the army. 

The declaration of war found our country with a small army 
scattered over a vast territory. The troops composing this 
army were speedily mobilized at Tampa, Fla. Before it was 
possible to properly equip a volunteer force, strong appeals for 
aid came from the navy, which had inclosed in the harbor of 
.Santiago de Cuba an important part of the Spanish fleet. At 
that time the only efficient fighting force available was the 
United States Army, and in order to organize a command of 
sufficient strength, the cavalry had to be sent dismounted to 
Santiago de Cuba with the infantry and artillery. 

The expedition thus formed was placed under command of 
Major-General Shafter. Notwithstanding the limited time to 
equip and organize an expedition of this character, there was 
never displayed a nobler spirit of patriotism and fortitude on the 
part of officers and men going forth to mantain the honor of 
their country. After encountering the vicissitudes of an ocean 
voyage, they were obhged to disembark on a foreign shore 
and immediately engage in an aggressive campaign. Under 
drenching storms, intense and prostrating heat, within a fever- 
afflicted district, with httle comfort or rest, either by day or 
night, they pursued their purpose of finding and conquering the 
enemy. Many of them, trained in the severe experience of the 
great Vvar, and in frequent campaigns on the Western plains, 
officers and men alike exhibited a great skill, fortitude, and 



tenacity, with results which have added a new chapter of glory 
to their country's history. Even when their own generals in 
several cases were temporarily disabled, the troops fought on 
with the same heroic spirit until success was finally achieved. 
]n many instances the officers placed themselves in front of their 
commands, and under their direct and skillful leadership the 
trained troops of a brave army were driven from the thickets 
and jungles of an almost inaccessible country. In the open field 
the troops stormed intrenched infantry, and carried and cap- 
tured fortified works with an unsurpassed daring and disregard 
of death. By gaining commanding grovmd they made the har- 
bor of Santiago untenable for the Spanish fleet, and practically 
drove it out to a speedy destruction by the American Navy. 

While enduring the hardships and privations of such cam- 
paign, the troops generously shared their scanty food with the 
5,000 Cuban patriots in arms, and the suffering people who had 
fled from the besieged city. With the twenty-four regiments 
and four batteries, the flower of the United States Army, were 
also three volunteer regiments. These though unskilled in war- 
fare, yet, inspired with the same spirit, contributed to the vic- 
tory, sulifered hardships, and made sacrifices with the rest. 
Where all did so well, it is impossible, by special mention, to do 
justice to those who bore conspicuous part. But of certain un- 
usual features mention cannot be omitted, namely, the cavalry 
dismounted, fighting and storming works as infantry, and a 
regiment of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the 
heroism as well as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in 
nursing yellow-fever patients and burying the dead. The gal- 
lantry, patriotism and sacrifices of the American Army, as illus- 
trated in this brief campaign, will be fully appreciated by a grate- 
ful country, and the heroic deeds of those who have fought and 
fallen in the cause of freedom will ever be cherished in sacred 
memory and be an inspiration to the living. 

By command of Major-General Miles: 

J. C. GILMORE, 
Brigadier-General, United States Volunteers. 



INTRODUCTORY. 



To write the history of the Negro race within that part of 
the western world known as the United States of America 
would be a task to which one might devote a life time and still 
fail in its satisfactory accomplishment. The difficulties lying 
in the way of collecting and unifying the material are very 
great; and that of detecting the inner life of the people much 
greater. Facts and dates are to history what color and propor- 
tion are to the painting. Employed by genius, color and form 
combine in a language that speaks to the soul, giving pleasure 
and instruction to the beholder ; so the facts and dates occurr- 
ing along the pathway of a people, when gathered and ar- 
ranged by labor and care, assume a voice and a power which 
they have not otherwise. As these facts express the thoughts 
and feelings, and the growth, of a people, they become the 
language in which that people writes its history, and the work 
of the historian is to read and interpret this history for the 
benefit of his fellow men. 

Borrowing a second illustration from the work of the artist, 
it may be said, that as nature reveals her secrets only to him 
whose soul is in deepest sympathy with her moods and move- 
ments, so a people's history can be discovered only by one 
who'se heart throbs in unison with those who have made the 
history. To write the history of any people successfully one 
must read it by the heart ; and the best part of history, like the 
best part of the picture, must ever remain unexpressed. The 
artist sees more, and feels more than he is able to transfer to 
his canvas, however entrancing his presentation; and the his- 



1 2 INTRODUCTORY 

torian sees and feels more than his brightest pages convey to 
his readers. Nothing less than a profound respect and love 
for humankind and a special attraction toward a particular 
people and age, can fit one to engage in so sublime a task as 
that of translating the history of a people into the language o£ 
common men. 

The history of the American Negro differs very widely from 
that of any people whose life-story has been told ; and when it 
shall come to be known and studied will open an entirely new 
view of experience. In it we shall be able to see what has 
never before been discovered in history; to wit: the absolute 
beginning of a people. Brought to these shores by the ship-load 
as freight, and sold as merchandise; entirely broken away from 
the tribes, races, or nations of their native land; recognized 
only as African slaves, and forbidden all move- 
ment looking toward organic life; deprived of 
even the right of family or of marriage, and 
corrupted in the most shameless manner by their power- 
ful and licentious oppressors — it is from this heterogeneous 
protoplasm that the American Negro has been developed. The 
foundation from which he sprang had been laid by piecemeal 
as the slave ships made their annual deposits of cargoes 
brought from different points on the West Coast, and basely 
corrupted as is only too well known ; yet out of it has grown, 
within less than three hundred years, an organic people. 
Grandfathers and great-grandfathers are among them; and 
personal acquaintance is exceedingly wide. In the face of slav- 
ery and against its teaching and its power, overcoming the se- 
duction of the master class, and the coarse and brutal corrup- 
tions of the baser overseer class, the African slave persistently 
f.trove to clothe himself with the habiliments of civilization, 
and so prepared himself for social organization that as soon 



INTRODUCTORY I3 

as the hindrances were removed, this vast people almost im- 
mediately set themselves in families ; and for over thirty years 
they have been busily engaged hunting up the lost roots of 
their family trees. We know the pit whence the Afro-Ameri- 
can race was dug, the rock whence he was hewn ; he was born 
here on this soil, from a people who in the classic language of 
the Hebrew prophet, could be described as, No People. 

That there has been a majestic evolution quietly but rapidly 
going on in this mass, growing as it was both by natural de- 
velopment and by accretion, is plainly evident. Heterogeneous 
as were the fragments, by the aid of a common language and a 
common lot, and cruel yet partially civilizing control, the 
whole people were forced into a common outward form, and to 
a remarkable extent, into the same ways of thinking. The 
affinities within were really aided by the repulsions witl.out, 
and when finally freed from slavery, for an ignorant and in- 
experienced people, they presented an astonishing spectacle of 
unity. Socially, politically and religiously, their poAver to 
work together showed itself little less than marvellous. The 
Afro-American, developing from this slave base, now directs 
great organizations of a religious character, and in comprehen- 
sive sweep invites to his co-operation the inhabitants of the 
isles of the sea and of far-off Africa. He is joining with the 
primitive, strong, hopeful and expanding races of Southern 
Africa, and is evidently preparing for a day that has not yet 
come. 

The progress made thus far by the people is somewhat like 
that made by the young man who hires himself to a farmer 
and takes his pay in farming stock and utensils. He is thus 
acquiring the means to stock a farm, and the skill and experi- 
ence necessary to its successful management at the same time. 
His career will not appear important, however, until the day 



14 



INTRODUCTORY 



shall arrive when he will set up for himself. The time spent 
on the farm of another was passed in comparative obscurity: 
but without it the more conspicuous period could never have 
followed. So, now, the x^merican colored people are making 
history, but it is not of that kind that gains the attention of 
writers. Having no political organizations, governments or 
armies they are not performing those deeds of splendor in 
statesmanship and w'ar over which the pen of the historian us- 
ually delights to linger. The people, living, growing, read- 
ing, thinking, working, suffering, advancing and dying — these 
are all common-place occurrences, neither warming the heart 
of the observer, nor capable of brightening the page of the 
chronicler. This, however, is, with the insignificant exception 
of Liberia, all that is yet to be found in the brief history of the 
Afro- American race. 

The period for him to set up for himself has not yet come, 
and he is still acquiring means and training within a realm con- 
trolled in all respects by a people who maintain toward him an 
attitude of absolute social exclusion. His is the history of a 
people marching from nowhere to somewhere, but w'ith no 
well-defined Canaan before them and no Moses to lead. It is 
indeed, on their part, a walk by faith, for as yet the wisest 
among the race cannot tell even the direction of the journey. 
Before us lie surely three possible destinies, if not four; yet 
it is not clear toward which one of these we are marching. Are 
we destined to see the African element of America's popula- 
tion blend with the Euro-American element and be lost in a 
common people? Will the colored American leave this home 
in which as a race he has been born and reared to manhood, 
and find his stage of action somewhere else on God's earth? 
Will he remain here as a separate and subordinate people per- 
petuating the conditions of to-day only that they may beconie 



INTRODUCTORY 15 

more humiliating and exasperating? Or is there to arise a 
war of races in which the blacks are to be exterminated? Who 
knows? Fortunately the historian is not called upon to per- 
form the duties of prophet. His work is to tell what has been; 
and if others, building upon his presentation of facts can de- 
duce what is to be, it is no small tribute to the correctness of 
his interpretations ; for all events are parts of one vast system 
ever moving toward some great end. One remark only need be 
made. It is reasonable to presume that this new Afro-Ameri- 
can will somehow and somewhere be given an opportunity to 
express that particular modification of material life which his 
spiritual nature will demand. Whether that expression will 
be made here or elsewhere; whether it will be higher or lower 
than what now surrounds us, are questions which we may well 
leave to the future. 

No people can win and hold a place, either as a nation among 
other nations, or as an elementary component of a nation, 
merely by its own goodness or by the goodness of others. The 
struggle for national existence is a familiar one, and is always 
initiated by a display of physical force. Those who have the 
power seize territory and government, and those who CAN, 
keep possession and control. It is in some instances the back- 
ing up of right by might, and in others the substituting of 
right by might. Too often the greatest of all national crimes 
is to be weak. When the struggle is a quiet one, going on 
within a nation, and is that of an element seeking a place in the 
common social life of the country, much the same principles are 
involved. It is still a question to be settled by force, no matter 
how highly the claim of the weaker may be favored by reason 
and justice. 

The powers by which a special people may emerge from an 
unhappy condition and secure improved social relations, using 



l6 INTRODUCTORY 

the word social in its broadest sense, are physical, intellectual 
and material. There must be developed manly strength and 
courage and a power of intellect which will manifest itself in 
organization and attractiveness, and in the aptitude of employ- 
ing appropriate methods for ends in view. To these must be 
added the power that comes through wealth ; and thus, with the 
real advancement of condition and character will come, tardily 
and grudgingly perhaps, but nevertheless surely, improved so- 
cial standing. Once filled with the common national spirit, 
partaking of its thoughts, entering heartily into the common 
movements, having the same dress, language and manners as 
others, and being as able and as willing to help as to be helped, 
and withal being in fact the most intensely American element 
on the continent because constructed on this soil, we may hope 
that the Afro-American will ultimately win and hold his 
proper place. 

The history made by the American Negro has been so filled 
with suffering that we have overlooked the active side. The 
world has heard so much of the horrors of the "Middle Pass- 
age"; the awful sufferings of the slave; the barbarous out- 
rages that have been perpetrated upon ex-slaves ; the inhuman 
and senseless prejudices that meet colored Americans almost 
everywhere on their native soil ; that it has come to look upon 
this recital as the whole of the story. It needs to be told that 
these records constitute the dark side of the picture, dark and 
horrible enough, to be sure, but this is by no means the whole 
picture. If there are scenes whose representations would serve 
to ornament the infernal regions, pictures over which fiends 
might gloat, there are also others which angels might delight 
to gaze upon. There has been much of worthy action among 
the colored people of this country, wherever the bonds of op- 
pression have been slackened enough to allow of free move- 



INTRODUCTION If 

ment. There have been resistance to wrong by way of remon- 
strance and petition, sometimes even by force; laudable efforts 
toward self-education; benevolent and philanthropic move- 
ments; reform organizations, and commendable business en- 
terprise both in individuals and associations. These show a 
toughness of fibre and steadiness of purpose sufficient to make 
the backbone of a real history. 

The present work deals with these elements of character as 
they are exhibited in the garb of the soldier. When men are 
willing to fight and die for what they hold dear, they have 
become a moving force, capable of disturbing- the currents of 
history and of making a channel for the stream of their own 
actions. The American Negro has evolved an active, ag- 
giessive element in the scientific fighting men he has produced. 
Individual pugilists of that race have entered all classes, from 
featherweight to heavyweight, and have remained there; re- 
ceiving blows and dealing blows; showing a sturdy, positive 
force ; mastering and employing all the methods of attack and 
defence allowed in such encounters, and supporting themselves 
with that fortitude and courage so necessary to the ring. Such 
combats are not tO' be commended, as they are usually mere 
tests of skill and endurance, entered into on the principles of 
the gambler, and they are introduced here for the sole purpose 
of showing the colored man as a positive force, yielding only 
to a superior degree of force of the same kind. The soldier 
stands for something far higher than the pugilist represents, 
although he has need of the same qualities of physical hardi- 
hood — contempt for suffering and coolness in the presence of 
danger, united with skill in the use of his weapons. The 
pugilist is his own general and never learns the high lessons 
of obedience; the soldier learns to subordinate himself to his 
commander, and to fight bravely and effectively under the di- 
rection of another. 



l8 INTRODUCTION 

The evolution of the Afro-American soldier was the work 
of a short period and suffered many interruptions. When the 
War of the Revolution broke out the colored man was a slave, 
knowing nothing of the spirit or the training of the soldier; 
before it closed several thousand colored men had entered the 
army and some had won distinction for gallantry. Less than 
forty years later, in the war of 1812, the black man again ap- 
peared to take his stand under the flag of independence. The 
War of Secession again witnessed the coming forth of the 
black soldier, this time in important numbers and performing 
heroic services on a grand scale, and under most discouraging 
circumstances, but with such success that he won a place m 
arms for all time. When the Civil War closed, the American 
black man had secured his standing as a soldier — the evolu- 
tion was complete. Henceforth he was to be found an integral 
part of the Army of the United States. 

The black man passed through the trying baptism of fire 
in the Sixties and came out of it a full-fledged soldier. His 
was worse than an impartial trial ; it was a trial before a jury 
strongly biased against him; in the service of a government 
willing to allow him but half pay ; and in the face of a foe den)'^- 
ing him the rights belonging to civilized warfare. Yet against 
these odds, denied the dearest right of a soldier — the hope of 
promotion — scorned by his companions in arms, the Negro 
on more than two hundred and fifty battle-fields, demonstrated 
his courage and skill, and wrung from the American nation the 
right to bear arms. The barons were no more successful in 
their struggle with King John when they obtained Magna Charta 
than were the American Negroes with Prejudice, when they 
secured the national recognition of their right and fitness to 
hold a place in the Standing Army of the United States. The 
Afro-American soldier now takes his rank with America's best. 



INTRODUCTION 1 9 

and in appearance, skill, physique, manners, conduct and cour- 
age proves himself worthy of the position he holds. Combin- 
ing in his person the harvested influences of three great con- 
tinents, Europe, Africa and America, he stands up as the typi- 
cal soldier of the Western World, the latest comer in the field 
of arms, but yielding his place in the line to none, and ever 
ready to defend his country and his flag against anv and all 
foes. 

The m^ission of this book is to make clear this evolution, giv- 
ing the historical facts with as much detail as possible, and set- 
ting forth finally the portrait of this new soldier. That this is 
a prodigious task is too evident i\> need assertion — a task 
worthy the most lofty talents; and in essaying it I humbly con- 
fess to a sense of unfitness ; yet the work lies before me and 
duty orders me to enter upon it. A Major General writes : "I 
wisli you every success in producing a work important both 
historically and for the credit of a race far more deserving than 
the world has acknowledged." A Brigadier General who com- 
manded a colored regiment in Cuba says to me most encourag- 
ingly; "You must allow me — for our intimate associations 
justify it — to write frankly. Your education, habits of 
thought, fairness of judgment and comprehension of the work 
you are to undertake, better fit you for writing such a history 
than any person within my acquaintance. Those noble men 
made the history at El Caney and San Juan ; I believe you are 
the man to record it. May God help you to so set forth the deeds 
of that memorable first of July in front of Santiago that the 
world may see in its true light what those brave, intelligent 
colored men did." 

Both these men fought through the Civil War and won dis- 
tinction on fields of blood. To the devout prayer ofifered by 
one of them T heartily echo an Amen, and can only wish that 



INTRODUCTION 



in it all my friends mit^ht join, and that God would answer it in 
granting- mc power to do the work in such a w^av as to bring 
great good to the race and reflect some sflory to Himself, in 
whose name the work is undertaken. 






^m^m 



CHAPTER I. 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY. 

The Importation of the Africans — Character of the Colored Population 
in i860 — Colored Population in British West Indian Possessions — 
Free Colored People of the South — Free Colored People of the 
North — Notes. 

Professor DuBois.in his exhaustive work upon the ''Suppres- 
sion of the African Slave-Trade/' has brought within compara- 
tively narrow limits the great mass of facts bearing upon his 
subject, and in synopses and indices has presented all of the 
more important literature it has induced. In his Monograph, 
published as Volume II of the Harvard Historical Series, he 
has traced the rise of this nefarious traffic, especially with 
reference to the American colonies, exhibited the proportions 
to which it expanded, and the tenacity with which it held on 
to its purpose until it met its death in the fate of the ill-starred 
Southern Confederacy. Every step in his narrative is sup- 
ported by references to unimpeachable authorities ; and the 
scholarly M'onograph bears high testimony to the author's 
earnest labor, painstaking research and unswervino- fidelity. 
Should the present work stimulate inquiry beyond the scope 
herein set before the reader, he is most confidently referred 
to Professor Du Bois' book as containing a complete exposition 
of the development and overthrow of that awful crime. 

It is from this work, hov/ever, that we shall obtain a nearer 
and clearer view of the African planted upon our shores. 
Negro slavery began at an early day in the North American 
Colonies; but up until the Revolution of 1688 the demand for 



2 2 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HIS'JORV 

slaves was mainly supplied from England, the slaves being 
white.- "It is probable," says Professor DuBois, "that 
about 25,000 slaves were brought to America each year be- 
tween 1698 and 1707, and after 1713 it rose to perhaps 30,000 
annually. "Before the Revolution the total exportation to 
America is variously estimated as between 40,000 and 100,000 
each year." Something of the horrors of the "Middle Pass- 
age" may be shown by the records that out of 60,783 slaves 
shipped from Africa during the years 1680-88, I4>3^7> f>^" 
nearly one-fourth of the entire number, perished at sea. In 
1790 there were in the country nearly seven hundred thous- 
and African?, these having been introduced by installments 
from various heathen tribes. The importation of slaves con- 
tinued with more or less success up until 1858, when the "Wan- 
derer" landed her cargo of 500 in Georgia. 

During the period from 1790 to the breaking out of the Civil 
War, shortly after the landing of the last cargo of slaves, the 
colored population, both slave and free, had arisen to about 
four million, and had undergone great modifications. The 
c?rgo of the "Wanderer" found themselves among strangers, 
even when trying to associate with those who in color and hair 
were like themselves. The slaves of i860 differed greatly from 
the slaves of a hundred years earlier. They had lost the relics 
oi that stern warlike spirit which prompted the Stono insur- 
rection, the Denmark Vesey insurrection, and the Nat Turner 
insurrection, and had accepted their lot as slaves, hoping that 
through God, freedom would come to them some time in the 
happy future. Large numbers of them had become Christian- 
through the teaching of godly white women, and at length 
through the evangelistic efforts (^f men and women of their 

*Slavc Trade — Carev. 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 



own race. Independent religious organizations had 
been formed in the North, and large local 
churches with Negro pastors were in existence in the 
South when the "Wanderer" landed her cargo. 
There had been a steady increase in numbers, indicating that 
the physical well-being of the slave was not overlooked, and 
the slaves had greatly improved in character. Sales made in 
South Carolina between 1850 and i860 show "boys," from 16 
to 25 years of age, bringing from $900 to $1000; and "large 
sales" are reported showing an "average of v$620 each," "Negro 
men bringing from $800 to $1000," and a "blacksmith" bring- 
ing $1425. The averages generally obtained were above $600. 
A sale of 109 Negroes in families is reported in the "Charles- 
ton Courier" in which the writer says : "Two or three families 
averaged from $1000 to $1100 for each individual." The 
same item states also that "C. G. Whitney sold two likely fe- 
male house serv'ants, one for $1000, the other for $1190." 
These cases are presented to illustrate the financial value of the 
American slave, and inferentially the progress he had made in 
acquiring the arts of modern civilization. Slaves had become 
blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carriage-makers, carpenters, brick- 
layers, tailors, bootmakers, founders and moulders, not to men- 
tion all the common labor performed by them. Slave women 
had become dressmakers, hairdressers, nurses and the best 
cooks to be found in the world. The slave-holders regarded 
themselves as the favored of mankind because of the competence 
and faithfulness of their slaves. The African spirit and char- 
acter had disappeared, and in their place were coming into be- 
ing the elements of a new character, existing in i860 purely 
in a negative form. The slave had become an American. He 
was now a civilized slave, and had received his civilization 
from his masters. He had separated himself vei-y far from his 



24 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

brother slave in St. Domingo. The Haytian Negro fought and 
won his freedom before he had been civilized in slavery, and 
hence has never passed over the same ground that his Ameri- 
can fellow-servant has been compelled to traverse. 

Beside the slaves in the South, there were also several thous- 
and ''free persons of color," as they were called, dwelling in 
such cities as Richmond, Va., Charleston, S. C and New Or- 
leans, La. Some of these had become quite wealthy and well- 
educated, forming a distinct class of the population. They 
were called Creoles in Louisiana, and were accorded certain 
privileges, although laws were carefully enacted to keep alive 
the distinction between them and the whites. In Charleston 
the so-called colored people set themselves up as a class, prided 
themselves much upon their color and hair and in their sym- 
pathies joined almost wholly with the master class. Representa- 
tives of their class became slave-holders and were in full accord 
with the social policy of the country. Nevertheless their pres- 
ence was an encouragement to the slave, and consequently was 
objected to by the slave-holder. The free colored man became 
more and more disliked in the South as the slave became more 
civilized. He was supposed by his example to contribute to 
the discontent of the slave, and laws were passed restricting 
his priveleges so as to induce him to leave. Between 1850 and 
i860 this question reached a crisis and free colored people from 
the South were to be seen taking up their homes in the North- 
ern States and in Canada. (Many of the people, especially 
from Charleston, carried with them all their belittling pre- 
judices, and after years of sojourn under the sway of enlight- 
ened and liberal ideas, proved themselves still incapable of 
learning the new way or forgetting the old.) 

There were, then, three very distinct classes of colored peo- 
ple in the country, to wit : The slave in the South, the free col- 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 25 

ored people of tlie South, and the free colored people of the 
North. These were also sub-divided into several smaller 
classes. Slaves were divided into field hands, house servants 
and cit}'- slaves. The free colored people of the South had their 
classes based usually on color; the free colored people of the 
North had their divisions caused by differences in religion, 
differences as to place of birth, and numerous family conceits. 
So that surveyed as a whole, it is extremely difficult to get 
anything like a complete social map of these four millions as 
they existed at the outbreak of the Civil War. 

For a cjuarter of a century there had been a steady concen- 
tration of the slave population within the cotton and cane- 
growing region, the grain-growing States of Delaware, Mary- 
land and Virginia having become to a considerable extent 
breeding farms. Particularly was this the case with the more 
mtelligent and higher developed individual slaves who ap- 
peared near the border line. The master felt that such persons 
would soon make their escape by way of the "Underground 
Railroad" or otherwise, and hence in order to prevent a total 
loss, would follow the dictates of business prudence and sell 
his bright slave man to Georgia. The Maryland or Virginia 
slave who showed suspicious aspirations was usually checked 
by the threat, "I'll sell you to Georgia;'" and if the threat did 
not produce the desired reformation it was not long before the 
ambitious slave found himself in the gang of that most de- 
spised and most despicable of all creatures, the Georgia slave- 
irader. Georgia and Canada were the two extremes of the 
slave's anticipation during the last decade of his experience. 
These stood as his earthly Heaven and Hell, the "Underground 
Railroad," with its agents, conducting to one, and the odious 
slave-trader, driving men, women and children, to the other. 
No Netherlander ever hated and feared the devil more thor- 



26 SKETCH OK SOCIAL HISTORY 

oughly than did the slaves of the border States hate and fear 
these outrages on mankind, the kidnapping slave-traders of the 
cotton and cane regions. I say kidnapping, foi I have myself 
seen persons in Georgia who had been kidnapped in Maryland. 
If the (icvi. was ever incarnate, I think it safe to look for him 
amc.ng those who engaged in the slave-trade, whether in a for- 
eign or domestic form. 

Nothing is more striking in connection with the history of 
American Slavery than the conduct of Great Britain on the 
same' subject. So inconsistent has this conduct been that it 
can be explained only by regarding England as a conglomerate 
of two elements nearly equal in strength, of directly opposite 
character, ruling alternately the affairs of the nation. As a 
•^k've-trader and slave-holder England was perhaps even worse 
than the Lnited States- Under her rule the slave decreased in 
numbers, and remained a savage. In Jamaica, in St. Vincent, 
in British Guiana, in Barbadoes, in Trinidad and in Grenada, 
British slavery was far worse than .American slavery. In these 
colonies "the slave was generally a barbarian, speaking an un- 
known tongue, and working with men like himself, in gangs 
with scarcely a chance for improvement." An economist says, 
had the slaves of the Briti-h colonics been as well fed, clothed, 
lodged, .lud '<jtherwise careu for as were those of the United 
.^•tates, their number at emancipation would have reached from 
-tventeen to twenty millions, whereas the actual nuinber eman- 
cipated was only 660,000. Had the blacks of the United States 
experienced the same treatment as did those of the British col- 
...nies, f86o would have found among us less than 150,000 col- 
ored persons. In the United States were found ten colored 
persons for every slave imported, while in the British colonies 
only one was found for ev€ry three imported. Hence the claim 
that the American Negro is a new race, built up on this soil. 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 27 



rests upon an ample supply of facts. The American slave was 
born in our civilization, fed upon good American food, housed 
and clothed on a civilized plan, taught the arts and language 
of civilization, acquired necessarily ideas of law and liberty, 
and by i860 was well on the road toward fitness for freedom. 
No lessons therefore drawn from the emancipation of British 
slaves in the West Indies are of any direct value to us, inas- 
nuich as British slavery was not like Americc^n slavery, the 
British freedman was in no sense the equal of the American 
freedman, and the circumstances surrounding the emancipa- 
tion of the British slave had nothing of the inspiring and en- 
nobling character with those connected with the breaking of the 
American Negro's chains. Yet, superior as the American 
Negro was as a slave, he was very far below the standard of 
American citizenship as subsequent events conclusively proved. 
The best form of slavery, even though it may lead toward fit- 
ness for freedom, can never be regarded as a fit school in which 
to graduate citizens of so magnificent an empire as the United 
States. 

The slave of i860 was perhaps, all things considered, the 
best slave the world had ever seen, if we except those who 
served the Hebrews under the Mosaic statutes. While there 
was no such thing among them as legal marriage or legitimate 
childhood, yet slave "families" were recognized even on the 
auction block, and after emancipation legal family life was 
erected generally upon relationships which had been formed in 
slavery. Bishop Gaines, himself born a slave of slave parents, 
says: "The Negro had no civil rights under the codes of the 
Southern States. It was often the case, it is true, that the mar- 
riage ceremony was performed, and thousands of couples re- 
garded it, and observed it as of binding force, and were as true 
to each other as if they had been lawfully married." * * '"" 



28 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

"The colored people generally," he says, ''held their marriage 
(if such unauthorized union may be called marriage) sacred, 
even while they were slaves. Many instances will be recalled 
by the older people of the life-long fidelity which existed be- 
tween the slave and his concubine" (Wife, T. G. S.) " 

the mother of his children. My own father and mother lived 
together over sixty years. I am the fourteenth child of tnat 
union, and I can truthfully affirm that no marriage, however 
U'ade sacred by the sanction of law, was ever more congenial 
and beautiful. Thousands of like instances might be cited to 
the same effect. It will always be to the credit of the colored 
people that almost without exception, they adhered to their 
relations, illegal though they had been, and accepted gladly 
tlie new law wiiich put the stamp of legitimacy upon theii* 
union and removed the brand of bastardy from the brows of 
their children." 

Let us now sum up the qualifications that these people pos- 
sessed in large degree, in order to determine their fitness for 
freedom, then so near at hand. They had acquired the English 
language, and the Christian religion, including the Christian 
idea of marriage, so entirely different in spirit and form fi-om 
the African marriage. The)'- had acquired the civilized meth- 
ods of cooking their food, making and wearing clothes, sleep- 
ing in beds, and observing Sunday. They had acquired many 
of the useful arts and trades of civilization and had imbibed 
the tastes and feelings, to some extent, at least, of the country 
in which they lived. Becoming keen observers, shut out from 
books and newspapers, they listened attentively, learned more 
of law and politics than was generally supposed. They knew 
what the election of i860 meant and were on tiptoe with ex- 
pectation. Although the days of insurrection had passed and 
the slave of '59 was not ready to rise with the immortal John 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 29 

Brown, he had not lost his desire for freedom. The steady 
march of escaping slaves guided by the North star, with the 

refrain : 

'Tm on my way to Canada, 
That cold but happy land; 
The dire effects of slavery 
I can no longer stand," 

pioved that the desire to be free wa^ becoming more extensive 
and absorbing as the slave advanced in intelligence. 

It is necessary again to emphasize the fact that the Amicrican 
slaves were well formed and well developed physically, capable 
of enduring hard labor and of subsisting upon the plainest 
food. Their diet for years had been of the simplest sort, and 
they had been subjected to a system of regulations very much 
like those which are employed in the management of armies. 
They had an hour to go to bed and an hour t'o rise ; left their 
homes only upon written "passes," and when abroad at night 
were often halted by the wandering patrol. "Run, nigger, run, 
the patrol get you," was a song of the slave children of Soutii 
Carolina. 

Strangers v/no saw for the first time these people as they 
came out of slavery in 1865 were usually impressed with their 
robust appearance, and a conference of ex-slaves, assembled 
soon after the war, introduced a resolution with the follow- 
ing declaration : "Whereas, Slavery has left us in possession 
of strong and healthy bodies." It is probable that at least a 
half-m.illion of men of proper age could then have been found 
among the newly liberated capable of bearing arms. They 
were inured to the plain ration, to labor and fatigue, and to 
subordination, and had long been accustomed to working to- 
o-ether under the immediate direction of foremen. 

Two questions of importance naturally arose at this period : 
First, did the American slave understand the issue that had 



30 SKETCH or SOCIAL HISTORY 

been before the countr}' for more than a half-century and that 
was now dividing the nation in twain and marshalling for 
deadly strife these two opposing armies? Second, had he the 
courage necessary to take part in the struggle and help save 
the Union ? It would be a strange thing to say, but neverthe- 
less a thing entirely true, that many of the NegrQ slaves had 
a clearer perception of the real question at issue than did some 
of our most far-seeing statesmen, and a clearer vision of w^hat 
would be the outcome of the war. \\'hile the great men of the 
North were striving to establish the doctrine that the coming 
war was merely to settle the question of Secession, the slave 
knew better. (}od had hid certain things from the wise aiid 
prudent and had revealed them unto babes. Lincoln, the wisest 
of all, was slow^ to see that the issue he himself had predicted 
was really at hand. As President, he declared for the preser- 
vation of the Union, with or without slavery, or even upon 
the terms which he had previousl}'- declared irreconcilable, 
"half slave and half free." The Negro slave saw in the out- 
bieak of the war the death struggle of slavery. He knew that 
the real issue was slavery. 

The masters were careful to keep from the knowledge of the 
slave the events as well as the causes of the war, but in spite 
of these efforts the slave's keen perception enabled him to read 
defeat in the dejected mien of his master, and victory in his 
exultation. To prevent the master's know-ing what was going 
on in their thoughts, the slaves constructed curious codes 
among themselves. In one neighborhood freedom was always 
spoken of as "New Rice"; and many a poor slave woman 
sighed for the coming of New Rice in the hearing of those who 
imagined they knew the inmost thoughts of their bondwomen. 
Gleefully at times they would talk of the jollification they 
would make when the New Rice came. It was this clear vision. 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTOUV 3^ 



this strong hope, that sustained them ckn-ing- the trying days 
of the war and kept them back from insuriection. Bishop 
Gaines says: "Their prayers ascended for their deHverance. 
and their hearts yearned for the success of their friends. They 
fondly hoped for the hour of victory, when the night of slavery 
would end and the dawn of freedom appear. They often talked 
to each other of the progress of the w^ar and conferred in secret 
as to what they might do to aid in the struggle. Worn out 
with long bondage, yearning for the boon of freedom, long- 
ing for the sun of liberty to rise, they kept their peace and left 
the result to GckI." Mr. Douglass, whom this same Bishop 
Gaines speaks of very inappropriately as a "half-breed,' 
seemed able to grasp the feelings both of the slave and the 
freeman and said : "From the first, I for one, saw in this war 
the end of slavery, and truth requires me to say that my in- 
terest in the success of the North was largely due to this be- 
lief." Mr. Seward, the v.'ise Secretary of State, had thought 
that the war would come and go without producing any change 
in the relation of master and slave; but the humble slave on 
the Georgia cotton plantation, or in the Carolina rice fields, 
knew that the booming of the guns of rebellion in Charleston 
was the opening note of the death knell of slavery. The 
slave undoubtedly understood the issue, and knew on which 
side liberty dwelt. Although thoroughly bred to slavery, and 
as contented and happy as he could be in his lot, he acted ac- 
cording to the injunction of the Apostle : "Art thou called be- 
ing a servant, care not for it ; but if thou mayest be made free, 
use it rather." The slaves tried to be contented, but they pre- 
ferred freedom and knew which side to take when the time 
came for them to act. 

Enough has been said to show that out of the African slave 
had been developed a thoroughly American slave, so well im- 



32 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

bued with modern civilization and so well versed in American 
politics, as to be partially ready for citizenship. He had be- 
come law-abiding- and order-loving, and possessed of an intelli- 
gent desire to be free. Whether he had within him the neces- 
sary moral elements to become a soldier the pages following- 
will attempt to make known. He had the numbers, the physi- 
cal strength and the intelligence. He could enter the strife 
with a 'Sufficient comprehension of the issues involved to en- 
able him to give to his own heart a reason for his action. Fit- 
ness for the soldier does not necessarih^ involve fitness for citi- 
zenship, but the actual discharge of the duties of the soldier 
in defence of the nation, entitles one to all common rights, to 
the nation's gratitude, and to the highest honors for which 
he is qualified. 

In concluding this chapter I shall briefly return to the free 
colored people of the South that the reader may be able to prop- 
erly estimate their importance as a separate element. Their 
influence upon the slave population was very slight, inasmuch 
as law and custom forbade the intercourse of these two classes. 

According to the Census of i860 there were in the slave- 
holding States altogether 261,918 free colored persons, 106,- 
770 being mulattoes. In Charleston there were 887 free 
blacks and 2.554 mulattoes; in Mobile, 98 free blacks and 617 
mulattoes; in •New Orleans, 1,727 blacks and 7,357 mulattoes. 
As will be seen, nearly one-half of the entire number of free 
colored persons were mulattoes, while in the leading Southern 
cities se\'enty-five per cent, of the free colored people were put 
in tliis class. The percentage of mulatto slaves to the total 
.slave population at that time was 10.41, and in the same cities 
which showed seventy-five per cent, of all the free colored per- 
sons mulattoes, the percentage of mulatto slaves was but 16.84. 
Mulatto in this classification includes all colored persons who 
are not put down as black. 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 33 

In New Orleans the free mulattoes were generally French, 
having come into the Union with the Louisiana purchase, and 
among them were to be found wealthy slave-holders. They 
much resembled the class of mulattoes which obtained in St. 
Domingo at the beginning of the century, and had but little 
sympathy with the blacks, although they were the first to ac- 
quiesce in emancipation, some of them actually leading their 
own slaves into the army of liberation. It is possible, how- 
ever, that they had not fully realized the trend of the war, 
inasmuch as New Orleans was excepted from the effects of the 
Proclamation. It is certain that .the free colored people of 
that city made a tender of support to the Confederacy, al- 
though they were among the first to welcome the conquering 
"Yankees," and afterv/ard fought with marked gallantry in the 
Union cause. The free mulattoes, or browns, as they called 
themselves, of Charleston, followed much the same course as 
their fellow classmen of New Orleans. Here, too, they had 
been exclusive and to some extent slave-holders, had tendered 
their services to the Confederacy, and had hastily come for- 
ward to welcome the conquerors. They were foremost among 
the colored people in wealth and intelligence, but their field of 
social operations had been so circumscribed that they had ex- 
cited but little influence in the work of Americanizing the 
slave. Separated from the slave by law and custom they did 
all in their power to separate themselves from him in thought 
and feeling. They drew the line against all blacks as mer- 
cilessly and senselessly as the most prejudiced of the whites 
and were duplicates of the whites placed on an intermediate 
plane. It was not unusual to find a Charleston brown filled 
with more prejudice toward the blacks than were the whites. 

The colored people of the North in i860 numbered 237,283, 

*Census of i860. 



34 



SKETCH OK SOCIAL HISTORY 



Pennsylvania having the largest number, 56,849; then came 
New York with 49,005; Ohio, 36,673; New Jersey, 25,318; 
Indiana, 11,428; Massachusetts. 9,602; Connecticut, 8,627; 
Illinois, 7,628; Michigan, 6,799; Rhode Island, 3-952; Maine, 
1,327; Wisconsin, 1,171 ; Iowa, 1,069; Vermont, 709; Kansas, 
625; New Hampshire, 494; Minnesota, 259; Olregon, 128. 

Considerably more than one-half of this population was lo- 
cated within the States along the Atlantic Coast, viz. ; Maine, 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island. New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Here were 
to be found 154,883 free colored people. Pennsylvania, New 
York and New Jersey took the lead in this population, with 
Massachusetts and Connecticut coming next, while Maine, 
New Hampshire and Vermont had but few. The cities, Bos- 
ton, New York and Philadelphia, were the largest cities of 
free colored people then in the North. In Boston there were 
2,261; New York City. 12.574. while in Philadelphia there 
were 22,185 

As early as 1787 the free colored people of Philadelphia, 
through two distinguished representatives, Absalom Jones and 
Richard Allen, "two men of the African race." as the chron- 
iclers say, "saw the irreligious and uncivilized state" of the 
"people of their complexion." and finally concluded "that a so- 
ciety should be formed without regard to religious tenets, pro- 
vided the persons lived an orderly and sober life," the purpose 
of the society being "to support one another in sickness and 
for the benefit of their widows and fatherless children." Ac- 
cordingly a society was established, known as the Free Afri- 
can Society of Philadelphia, and on the 17th, 5th-mo., 1787, 
articles were published, including the following, which is in- 
serted to show the breadth of the society's purpose: 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORN 35 

"And we apprehend it to be necessary that the children of 
our deceased members be under the care of the Society, so far 
as to pay for the education of their children, if they cannot at- 
tend free school ; also to put them out apprentices to suitable 
tiades or places, if required.'** 

Shortly after this we read of "the African School for the 
free instruction of the black people," and in 1796, "The Even- 
ing Free School, held at the African Methodist Meeting House 
in Philadelphia" was reported as being "kept very orderly, the 
scholars behaving in a becoming manner, and their improve- 
ment beyond the teachers' expectations, their intellects appear- 
ing in every branch of learning to be equal to those of the fair- 
est complexion." The name African, as the reader will notice, 
is used with reference to school, church, and individuals ; al- 
though not to the complete exclusion of "colored people" and 
"people of color." These phrases seem to have been coined in 
the West Indies, and were there applied only to persons of 
mixed European and African descent. In the United States 
they never obtained such restricted use except in a very few lo- 
calities. The practice of using African as a descriptive title of 
the free colored people of the North became very extensive and 
so continued up to the middle of the century. There were 
African societies, churches and schools in all the prominent 
centres of this population. 

In 1843 one, Mr. P. Loveridge, Agent for Colored Schools 
of New York, wrote the editor of the African Methodist Maga- 
zine as follows :^' "As to the name of your periodical, act as we 
did with the name of our schools — ^away with Africa. There are 
no Africans in your connection. Substitute colored for Afri- 



♦Outlines — ^Tanner. 



tA. M. E. Magazine, 1843. 



^6 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

can and it will be, in my opinion, as it should be." The earnest- 
ness of the writer shows that the matter of parting with Afri- 
can was then a live question. The cool reply of the editor in- 
dicates how strong was the conservative element among the 
African people of '43. He says : "We are unable to see the 
reasonableness of the remarks. It is true we are not Africans, 
or natives born upon the soil of Africa, yet, as the descendants 
of that race, how can we better manifest that respect due to 
our fathers who begat us, than by the adoption of the term in 
our institutions, and inscribing it upon our public places of re- 
port?" To this Mr. Loveridge rejoins in the following ex- 
planatory paragraph : "We who are engaged in the Public 
Schools in this city found upon examination of about 1500 
children who attend our schools from year to year, not one 
African child among them. A suggestion was made that we 
petition the Public School Society to change the name African 
to Colored Schools. The gentlemen of that honorable body, 
perceiving our petition to be a logical one, acquiesced with us. 
Hence the adjective African (which does not apply to us) was 
blotted out and Colored substituted in its place. It is 'Public 
Schools for Colored Children.' We are Americans and expect 
American sympathies." 

In 1 81 6 the colored Methodists conceived the idea of or- 
gani;dng and evangelizing their race, and to this end a conven- 
lion was called and assembled in Philadelphia of that year, 
composed of sixteen delegates, coming from Pennsylvania, 
Delaware, Maryland and New jersey. The convention adopted 
a resolution that the people of Philadelphia, Baltimore and all 
other places who should unite with them, should become one 
body under the name and style of the African Methodist Epis 
copal Church. Similar acti<-)n was taken by two other bodies of 



SKETCH OK SOCIAL HISTORY 37 

colored Methodists, one in New York, the other in Wilming- 
ton, Delaware, about the same time. The people were coming 
together and beginning to understand the value of organiza- 
tion. This was manifested in their religious, beneficial and 
educational associations that were springing up among them. 
In 1841 the African Methodist Magazine appeared, the first 
organ of religious communication and thought issued by the 
.\merican colored people. It was published in Brooklyn, N. Y., 
Rev. George Hogarth being its editor. 

There were papers published by the colored people prior to 
the appearance of the African Methodist Magazine, but these 
were individual enterprises. They were, however, indices of 
the thought of the race, and looking back upon them now, we 
may regard them as mile-stones set up along the line of march 
over which the people have come. New York, city and State, 
appears to have been the home of these early harbingers, and 
it was there that the earliest literary centre was established, 
corresponding to that centre of religious life and thought 
which had been earlier founded in Philadelphia. In 1827 the 
first newspaper published on this continent by colored men 
issued from its office in New York. It was called "Freedom's 
Journal," and had for its motto "Righteousness exalteth a na- 
tion." . Its editors and proprietors were Messrs. Cornish & 
Russwurm. Its name was subsequently changed to the "Rights 
of All," Mr. Cornish probably retiring, and in 1830 it sus- 
pended, Mr. Russwurm going to Africa. Then followed "The 
Weekly Advocate." "The American," "The Colored Ameri- 
can," "The Elevator," "The National Watchman," "The 
Clarion," "The Ram's Horn," "The North Star," "Frederick 
Douglass' Paper," and finally that crowning literary work of 
the race, "The Anglo- African." 



3$ SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

"The Anglo-African" appeared in 1859, under the managc- 
ment of the strong-est and most brilliant purely literary fami- 
lies the American Negro up to that time had produced. It was 
edited and published by Thomas Hamilton, and like all the 
important literary ventures of the race in those days, had its 
birth in New York. It came out in 1859 and continued 
through the war, and in 1865 went out of existence honorably, 
having its work well done. Its first volume, that of 1859, con- 
tains the ablest papers ever given to the public by the American 
Negro ; and taken as a whole this volume is the proudest liter- 
ary monument the race has as yet erected. 

Reviewing the progress of the race in the North, we may 
say, the period of organized benevolence and united religious 
eflfort began before the close of the past century, Philadelphia 
being its place of origin ; that the religious movement reached 
much broader and clearer standing about 1816, and in conse- 
quence there sprang up organizations comprehending the 
people of the whole country; that the religious movement ad- 
vanced to a more intellectual stage when in 1841 the African 
Methodist Magazine appeared, since which time the organized 
religion of the American Negro has never been for any con- 
siderable time without its organs of communication. The 
journalistic period began in 1827, its centre being New York 
and the work of the journals almost wholly directed to two 
ends: the abolition of slavery, and the enfranchisement and 
political elevation of the free blacks. This work had reached 
its highest form in the Anglo- African, as that epoch of our 
national history came to its close in the slave-holders' war. 

The titles of the newspapers indicate the opening and con- 
tinuance of a period of anti-slavery agitation. Their columns 
were filled with arguments and appeals furnished by men who 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 39 

gave their whole souls to the work. It was a period of great 
mental activity on the part of the free colored people. They 
were discussing all probable methods of bettering their condi- 
tion. It was the period that produced both writers and ora- 
tors. In 1830 the first convention called by colored men to con- 
sider the general condition of the race and devise means to im- 
prove that condition, met in the city of Philadelphia. The his- 
tory of this convention is so important that I append a full 
account of it as published in the Anglo-African nearly thirty 
years after the convention met. It was called through the ef- 
forts of Hezekiah Grice, of Baltimore, who afterwards emi- 
grated to Hayti, and for many years followed there the occu- 
pation of carver and gilder and finally became Director of Pub- 
lic Works of the city of Port-au-Prince. While visiting that 
city years ago, I met a descendant of Mr. Grice, a lady of great 
personal beauty, charming manners, accomplished in the 
French language, but incapable of conversing at all in English. 

The conventions, begun in 1830, continued to be held an- 
nually for a brief period, and then dropped into occasional 
and special gatherings. They did much good in the way of 
giving prominence to the colored orators and in stemming the 
tide of hostile sentiment by appealing to the country at large in 
language that reached many hearts. 

The physical condition, so far as the health and strength 
of the free colored people Avere concerned, was good. Their 
mean age was the greatest of any element of our population, 
and their increase was about normal, or 1.50 per cent, annually. 
In the twenty years from 1840 to i860 it had kept up this 
rate with hardly the slightest variation, while the increase of 
the free colored people of the South during the same period 
had been i per cent, annually.* The increase of persons of 

*It is to be noted that in Maryland and Virginia an important number 



4© SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

mixed blood in the North did not necessarily imply laxity of 
morals, as the census compilers always deli.8:hted to say, but 
could be easily accounted for by the marriages occurring be- 
tween persons of this class. I have seen more than fifty per- 
sons, all of mixed blood, descend from one couple, and these 
with the persons joined to them by marriages as they have 
come to marriageable age, amounted to over seventy souls — 
all in about a half century. That the slaves had, despite their 
fearful death rate, the manumissions and the escapes, increased 
twice as fast as the free colored people of the North, three times 
as fast as the freee colored people of the South, and faster than 
the white people with all the immigration of that period, can be 
accounted for only by the enormous birth rate of that people 
consequent upon their sad condition. Their increase was ab- 
normal, and when properly viewed, proves too much. 

There is no way of determining the general wealth of the 
colored people of the North at the period we are describing; 
but some light may be thrown upon their material condition 
from the consideration that they were supporting a few pub- 
lications and building and supporting churches, and were hold- 
ers of considerable real estate. In New York city, the thirteen 
thousand colored people paid taxes on nearly a million and a 
half in real estate, and had over a quarter million of dollars 
in the savings banks. It is probable that the twenty-five 
thousand in Philadelphia owned more in proportion than their 
brethren in New York, for they were then well represented in 
business in that city. There were tlie Fortens, Bowers, Cas- 
seys, Gordons, and later Stephen Smith, WiKiam Whipper 
and Videl, all of whom were men of wealth and business. 
There were nineteen churches owned and supported by colored 

of white serving women married Negro slave men in the early days of 
these colonies. 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORV 41 



people of Philadelphia, with a seating capacity of about 10,000 
and valued at about $250,000. 

*The schools set apart for colored children were very in- 
ferior and were often kept alive by great sacrifices on the part 
of the colored people themselves. Prior to the war and in 
many cases for some time afterward, the colored public schools 
were a disgrace to the country. A correspondent writing from 
Hollidaysburg, Pa., says, speaking of the school there : "The 
result of my inquiries here is that here, as in the majority of 
other places, the interest manifested for the colored man is 
more for political effect, and that those who prate the loudest 
about the moral elevation and political advancement of the 
colored man are the first to turn against him when he wants 
a friend." The correspondent then goes on to say that the 
school directors persist in employing teachers "totally incom- 
petent." V/hat the schools were in New York the report 
made by the New York Society for the promotion of Education 
among Colored Children to the Honorable Commissioners for 
examining into the condition of Common Schools in the City 
and County of New York, will show. Reverend Charles B. 
Ray, who was President of this Society, and Philip A. White, 
its Secretary, both continued to labor in the interest of educa- 
tion unto the close of their lives, Mr. White dying as a mem- 
ber of the School Board of the city of Brooklyn, and Mr. Ray 
bequeathing his library to Wilberforce University at his death. 

In summing up the conditions which they have detailed in 

*In 1835 there were six high schools, or schoo-s for higher education, 
in the United States that admitted colored students on equal footing 
with others. These were: Oneida Institute, New York; Mount Pleas- 
ant, Amherst, Mass.; Canaan, N. H.; Western Reserve. Ohio; Gettys- 
burg, Pa.; and "one in the city of Philadelphia of which Miss Buffam" 
was "principal." There was also one manual labor school in Madison 
County, N. Y., capable of accommodating eighteen students. It was 
founded bv Gerrit Smith. 



42 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 

their rqjort they say : "From a comparison of the school 
houses occupied by the colored children with the splendid, al- 
most palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences 
and elegancies which make up the school houses for white chil- 
dren in the city of New York, it is clearly evident that the col- 
ored children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. 
Pent up in filthy neighborhoods, in old dilapidated buildings, 
they are held down to low associations and gloomy surround- 
ings. * * The undersigned enter their solemn protest 
against this unjust treatment of colored children. They be- 
lieve with the experience of Massachusetts, and especially the 
recent experience of Boston before them, there is no sound rea- 
son why colored children shall be excluded from any of the 
common schools supported by taxes levied alike on whites and 
blacks, and governed by officers elected by the vote of colored 
as well as white voters." 

This petition and remonstrance had its effect, for mainly 
through its influence within two years very great improve- 
ments were made in the condition of the New York colored 
schools. 

For the especial benefit of those who erroneously think that 
the purpose of giving industrial education is a new thing in 
our land, as well as for general historical purposes, I call atten- 
tion to the establishment of the Institute for Colored Youth in 
Philadelphia in 1842. This Institute was founded by the So- 
ciety of Friends and was supported in its early days and pre- 
sumably still "by bequests and donations made by members ot 
that Society." The objects of the Institute as set forth by its 
founders, fift3--seven years ago, are: "The education and im- 
provement of colored youth of both sexes, to qualify them to 
act as teachers and instructors to their own people, either in 



SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORV 43 

the various branches of school learning or the mechanic arts 
and agriculture." Two years later the African Methodists 
purchased one hundred and eighty acres of land in eastern 
Ohio and established what was called the Union Seminary, on 
the manual labor plan. It did not succeed, but it lingered along, 
keeping alive the idea, until it was eclipsed by Wilberforce 
University, into which it was finally merged. 

The anti-slavery fight carried on in the North, into which 
the colored men entered and became powerful leaders, aroused 
the race to a deep study of the whole subject of liberty and 
broughtthem in sympathy with all people who had either gained 
or were struggling for their liberties, and prompted them to in- 
vestigate all countries offering to them freedom. No country 
was so well studied by them as Hayti, and from 1824 to i860 
there had been considerable emigration thither. Liberia, Cen- 
tral and South America and Canada were all considered under 
the thought of emigration. Thousands went to Hayti and to 
Lanada, but the bulk preferred to remain here. They liked 
America, and had become so thoroughly in love with the doc- 
trines of the Republic, so imbued with the pride of the na- 
tion's history, so inspired with hope in the nation's future, that 
they resolved to live and die on her soil. When the troublous 
times of i860 came and white men were fleeing to Canada, col- 
ored men remained at their posts. They were ready to stand 
by the old flag and to take up arms for the Union, trusting that 
before the close of the strife the flag might have to them a 
new meaning. An impassioned colored orator had said of the 
flag: 'Tts stars were for the white man, and its stripes foi 
the Negro, cmd it was very appropri.ute that the stripes should 
be red." The free Negro of the North was prepared in 1861 
to support Abraham Lincoln with 40,000 as good American- 
born champions for universal liberty as the country could pre- 
sent. 



44 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 



NOTES. 
A. 

THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION. 



On the fifteenth day of September, 1830, there was held at 
Rethel Church, in the city of Philadelphia, the first convention cji 
the colored people of these United States, It was an event of 
historical importance ; and, whether we regard the times or the 
men of whom this assemblage was composed, we find matter 
for interesting and profitable consideration. 

Emancipation had just taken place in New York, and had just 
been arrested in Virginia by the Nat Turner rebellion and Walk- 
er's pamphlet. Secret sessions of the legislatures of the several 
Southern States had been held to dcHberate upon the produc- 
tion of a colored man who had coolly recommended to his fel- 
low blacks the only solution to the slave question, which, after 
twenty-five years of arduous labor of the most hopeful and 
noble-hearted of the abolitionists, seems the forlorn hope of 
freedom to-day — insurrection and bloodshed. Great Britain 
was in the midst of that bloodless revolution which, two vears 
afterwards, culminated in the passage of the Reform ' Bill, 
and thus prepared the joyous and generous state of the British 
heart which dictated the West India Emancipation Act. France 
was rejoicing in the not bloodless trois jours de Juliet. Indeed, 
the whole world seemd stirred up with a universal excitement, 
which, when contrasted with the universal panics of 1837 and 
1S57, leads one to regard as more than a philosophical specula- 
tion the doctrine of those who hold the life of mankind from the 
creation as but one life, beating with one heart, animated with 
one soul, tending to one destiny, although made up of millions 
upon millions of molecular hves, gifted with their infinite variety 
of attractions and repulsions, which regulate or crystallize them 
mto evanescent substructures or organizations, which we call 
nationalities and empires and peoples and tribes, whose minute 
actions and reactions on each other are the histories which ab- 
sorb our attention, whilst the grand universal life moves on be- 



THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 4$ 

yond our ken, or only guessed at, as the astronomers shadow 
out movements of our solar system around or towards some dis- 
tant unknown centre of attraction. 

If the times of 1830 were eventful, there were among our peo- 
ple, as well as among other peoples, men equal to the occasion. 
We had giants in those days ! There were Bishop Allen, the 
founder of the great Bethel connection of Methodists, combin- 
ing in his person the fiery zeal of St. Francis Xavier with the 
skill and power of organizing of a Richelieu; the meek but 
equally efficient Rush (who yet remains with us in fulfilment 
of the Scripture), the father of the Zion Methodists ; Paul, 
whose splendid presence and stately eloquence in the pulpit, and 
whose grand baptisms in the waters of Boston harbor are a 
living tradition in all New England ; the saintly and sainted 
Peter Williams, whose views of the best means of our elevation 
are in triumphant activity to-day ; William Hamilton, the thinker 
and actor, whose sparse specimens of eloquence we will one day 
place in gilded frames as rare and beautiful specimens of Etrus- 
can art — William Hamilton, who. four years afterwards, during 
the New York riots, when met in the street, loaded down with 
iron missiles, and asked where he v.as going, replied, "To die 
on my threshold"; Watkins, of Baltimore; Frederick Hinton. 
with his polished eloquence; James Forten, the merchant 
prince; William Whipper, just essaying his youthful powers; 
Lewis Woodson and John Peck, of Pittsburg; Austin Steward, 
then of Rochester ; Samuel E. Cornish, who had the distinguished 
honor of reasoning Gerrit Smith out of colonization, and of tell- 
ing Henry Clay that he would never be president of anything 
higher than the American Colonization Society; Philip A. Bell, 
the born sabreur, who never feared the face of clay, and a hun- 
dred others, were the worthily leading spirits among the colored 
people. 

And yet the idea of the first colored convention did not origi- 
nate with any of these distinguished men ; it came from a young 
man of Baltimore, then, and still, unknown to fame. Born in 
that city in 1801, he was in 1817 apprenticed to a man some 
two hundred miles off in the Southeast. Arriving at his field of 
labor, he worked hard nearly a week and received poor fare 
in return. One day, while at v/ork near the house, the mis- 
tress came out and gave him a furious scolding, so furious, in- 
deed, that her husband mildly interfered; she drove the latter 
awav, and threatened to take the Baltimore out of the lad with 



46 



IHK URST COLORED CONVENTIOV 



cowhide, etc.. etc. At this moment, to use his own expression, 
the lad became converted ,that is, he determined to be his own 
master as long as he lived. Early nightfall found him on his 
way to Baltimore which he reached after a severe journey which 
tested his energy and ingenuity to the utmost. At the age of 
twenty-three he was engaged in the summer time in supplying 
Baltimore with ice from his cart, and in winter in cutting up 
pork for Ellicotts' establishment. He must have been strong 
and swift with knife and cleaver, for in one day he cut up and 
dressed some four hundred and fifteen porkers. 

In 1824 our voung friend fell in with Benjamin Lundy, and in 
1828-9. with William Lloyd Garrison, editors and publishers of 
the '"Genius of Universal' Emancipation," a radical anti-slavery 
paper, whose boldness would put the "National Era" to shame, 
printed and published in the slave State of Maryland. In 1829-30 
the colored people of the free States were much excited on the 
subject of emigration ; there had been an emigration to Hayti, 
and also to Canada, and some had been driven to Liberia by the 
severe laws and brutal conduct of the fermenters of colonization 
in X'irginia and Maryland. In some districts of these States 
the di.sguised v.hites would enter the houses of free colored men 
at night, and take them out and give them from thirty to fifty 
lasJies, to get thein to consent to go to Liberia. 

It was in the spring of 1830 that the young man we have 
sketched, Ikv.ekiah Grice, conceived the plan of calling together 
a meeting or convention of colored men. in some place north 
of the Potomac, for the purpose of comparing views and of 
adopting a harmonious movement either of emigration or of de- 
termination to remain in the United States; convinced of the 
hopelessness of contending against the oppressions in the 
United States, living in the very depth of that oppression and 
wrong, his Own views looked to Canada; but he held them sub- 
ject to the decision of the majority of the convention which 
might assemble. 

On the 2d of April, 1830, he addressed a written circular to 
prominent colored men in the free States, requesting their opin- 
ions on the necessity and propriety of holding such convention, 
and stated that if the opinions of a sufifiicient number warranted 
it, he would give time and place at which duly elected delegates 
might assemble. Four months passed away, and his spirit al- 
most (lied within him, for he had not received a line from any 



THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 47 

one in reply. When he visited Mr. Garrison in his office, and 
stated his project, Mr. Garrison took up a copy of Walker's 
Appeal, and said, although it might be right, yet it was too early 
to have published such a book. 

On the I ith of August, however, he received a sudden and 
peremptory order from Bishop Allen to come instantly to Phil- 
adelphia, about the emigration matter. He went, and found a 
meeting assembled to consider the conflicting reports on Can- 
ada of Messrs. Lewis and Button ; at a subsequent meeting, 
held the next night, and near the adjournment, the Bishop called 
Mr. Grice aside and gave to him to read a printed circular, 
issued from New York City, strongly approving of Mr. Grice's 
plan of a convention, and signed by Peter Williams, Peter Vo- 
gelsang and Thomas L. Jinnings. The Bishop added, ''My 
dear child, we must take some action immediately, or else these 
New Yorkers will get ahead of us." The Bishop left the meet- 
ing to attend a lecture on chemistry by Dr. Wells, of Baltimore. 
Mr. Grice introduced the subject of the convention; and a com- 
mittee consisting of Bishop Allen, Benjamin Pascal, Cyrus 
Black, James Cornish and Junius C. Morel, were appointed to 
lay the matter before th.e colored people of Philadelphia. This 
committee, led, doubtless, by Bishop Allen, at once issued a 
call for a convention of the colored men of the United States, to 
be held in the citv of Philadelphia on the 15th of September, 
1830. 

Mr. Grice returned to Baltimore rejoicing at the success of 
his project; but, in the same boat which bore him down the 
Chesapeake, he was accosted by Mr. ZollickofiFer, a member of 
the Society of Friends, a Philadelphian, and a warm and tried 
friend of the blacks. Mr. ZollickofTer used arguments, and even 
entreaties, to dissuade Mr. Grice from holding the convention, 
pointing out the dangers and difficulties of the same should it 
succeed, and the deep injury it would do the cause in case of fail- 
ure. Of course, it was reason and entreaty thrown away. 

On the fifteenth of September, Mr. Grice again landed in 
Philadelphia, and in the fulness of his expectation asked every 
colored man he met about the convention ; no one knew any- 
thing about it ; the first man did not know the meaning of the 
word, and another man said, "Who ever heard of colored people 
holding a convention — convention, indeed !" Finally, reaching 
the place of meeting, he found, in solemn conclave, the five 



^8 THE FIRST COLOKED CONVENTION 

gentlemen who had constituted themselves delegates: with a 
warm welcome from Bishop Allen, Mr. Grice, who came with 
credentials from the people of Baltimore, was admitted as 
delegate. A little while after, Dr. Burton, of Philadelphia, 
dropped in, and demanded by what right the six gentlemen 
held their scats as members of the convention. On a hint from 
Bishop Alien, Mr. Pascal moved that Dr. Burton be elected an 
honorary member of the convention, which softened the Doctor. 
In half an hour, five or six grave, stern-looking men, members 
of the Zion Methodist body in Philadelphia, entered, and de- 
manded to know by what right the members present held their 
se.its and undertook to represent the colored people. Another 
hint from the Bishop, and it was moved that these gentlemen 
be elected honorary members. But the gentlemen would submit 
to no such thing, and would accept nothing shori of full mem- 
bership, which was granted them. 

Among the delegates were Abraham Shadd, of Delaware ; 
[. \V. C. Pennington, of Brooklyn; Austin Steward, of Roch- 
ester ; Horace Easton, of Boston, and Adams, of Utica. 

The main subject of discussion was emigration to Canada; 
Junius C. Morel, chairman of a committee on that subject, pre- 
sented a report, on which there was a two days' discussion; the 
point discussed was that the report stated that "the lands in 
Canada were synonymous with those of the Northern States." 
The word synonymous was objected to, and the word similar 
proposed in its stead. Mr. Morel, with great vigor and inge- 
nuity, defended the report, but was finally voted down, and the 
wortl similar adopted. The convention recommended emigra- 
lion to Canada, passed strong resolutions against the American 
Colonization Society, and at its adjournment appointed the next 
annual convention of the people of color to be held in Philadel- 
l)hia, on the first Monday in June, 183 1. 

At the present day, when colored conventions are almost 
as frequent as church meetings, it is difficult to estimate the 
bold and daring spirit which inaugurated the Colored Conven- 
tion of 1830. It was the right move, originating in the right 
(juarter and at the right time. Glorious old Maryland, or, as 
one speaking in the view that climate grows the men, would 
»^ay, — Maryland-Virginia region, — which has produced Benjamin 
Banneker, Xat. Turner, Frederick Douglass, the parents of Ira 
AUlridge, Henry Highland Garnett and Sam. Ringold Ward. 



THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 49 

also produced the founder of colored conventions, Hezekiah 
Grice! At that time, in the prime of his young manhood, he 
must have presented the front of one equal to any fortune, 
able to achieve any undertaking. Standing six feet high, well- 
proportioned, of a dark bronze complexion, broad brow, and 
that stamp of features out of which the Greek sculptor would 
have delighted to mould the face of Vulcan— he was, to the 
fullest extent, a working man of such sort and magnetism as 
would lead his fellows where he listed. 

In looking to the important results that grew out of this 
convention, the independence of thought and self-assertion of 
the black man are the most remarkable. Then, the union of 
purpose and union of strength which grew out of the acquaint- 
anceship and mutual pledges of colored men from different 
States. Then, the subsequent conventions, where the great men 
we have already named, and others, appeared and took part in 
the discussions with manifestations of zeal, talent and abiUty, 
which attracted Garrison, the Tappans, Jocelyn and others of 
that noble host, who, drawing no small portion of their inspira- 
tion from their black brethren in bonds, did manfully fight in 
the days of anti-slavery which tried men's souls, and when, 
to be an abolitionist, was. to a large extent, to be a martyr. 

We cannot help adding the thought that had these conven- 
tions of the colored people of the United States continued 
their annual sittings from 1830 until the present time, the re- 
sult would doubtless liave been greater general progress among 
our people themselves, a more united front to meet past a^^■' 
coming exigencies, and a profounder hold u]>on the public at- 
tention, and a deeper respect on the part of our enemies than 
we now can boast of. Looking at public opinion as it is, the 
living law of the land, and yet a malleable, ductile entity, which 
can be moulded, or at least aftected. by the thoughts of any 
masses vigorously expressed, we should have become a power 
on earth, "of greater strength and influence than in our present 
scattered and dwindled state we dare even dream of. The 
very announcement. "Thirtieth Annual Convention of the Col- 
ored People of the United States," w^ould bear a majestic front. 
Our great gathering at Rochester in 1853. commanded not only 
public attention, but respect and admiration. Should we have 
such a gathering even now, once a year, not encumbered with 
elaborate plans of action, with ton many wheels within wheels, 



.^ THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTIOX 

politicians. ,,r.„htle!is be "lad to learn the subsequent 

1 •?""■ '^Mr GceHl did not attend the seeond conven- 

r^^ rauIS^er .i^ j!Se ^^t/on William Wirt, a^jd 

-^"ll^^SoiJ;:"^^^^^^ 

r;ou wiii g(ve'me your opinion on the legal condition of a free 

''t:%^:'r:^^'^^o:^^o be written out in proper 
form before he'could answer them. Mr. Gr.ce employed Tyson 
who drew up a series of questions, based upon the Constitu 
o of he United States, and relating to the ng^ts and at^zer. 
.hip of the free black. He earned the questions to Mr. Wirt 
S Mancine over them, said, -'Really, sir, my position as an 
officer imder^he government renders it a delicate matter for me 
o answer these questions as they should be f ^^^-jred, but 1 1 
ell ou what to do: thev should be answered, and by the be. 
cgaHalent in the land; do you go to Pliiladelphia, and presen 
.f name to Horace Binney, and he will give you an answer 
.aiisfactory to vou. and which will command the greate t re- 
<pec U roughout the land." Mr. Grice went to Philadelphia, 
and presented the questions and request to Horace Binney. 
This gentleman pleaded age and poor eyesight, but told Mr. 
Grice that if he would call on John Sargent he would get an- 
swers of requisite character and weight. He called on John 
■^arcrent, who promptly agreed to answer the questions if Mr. 
Binnev would allow his name to be associated as an authority 
in the replies. Mr. Binney again declined, and so the matter 
fell through. This is what Mr. Grice terms his Dred Scott 

case'and so it was. „ , , • r i-. 

He attended the convention of 1832, but by some m ormality, 
or a want of credentials, was not permitted to sit as full mem- 
Vjer'— Saul ejected from among the prophets !—\ et he was 



THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 51 

heard on the subject of rights, and the doctrine of "our rights," 
as well as the first colored convention, are due to the same man. 

In 1832, chagrined at the colored people of the United States, 
he migrated to Hayti, where, until 1843, he pursued the business 
of carver and gilder. In the latter 3'ear he was appointed Di- 
rector of Public Works in Port-au-Prince, which office he held 
until two years ago. He is also engaged in, and has wide 
knowledge of machinery and engineering. Every two or three 
years he visits New York, and is welcomed to the arcana of 
such men as James J.' Mapes, the Bensons, Dunhams, and at 
the various works where steam and iron obey human ingenuity 
in our city. He is at present in this city, lodging at the house 
of the widow of his old friend and coadjutor, Thomas L. Jin- 
nings, 133 Reade street. We have availed ourselves of his 
presence among us to glean from him the statements which we 
have imperfectly put together in this article. 

We cannot dismiss this subject without the remark, of pecu- 
liar pertinence at this moment, that it would have been better 
for our people had Mr. Grice never left these United States. 
The twenty-seven years he has passed in Hayti, although not 
without their mark on the fortunes of that island, are yet with 
out such mark as he would have made in the land and upon the 
institutions among which he was born. So early as his thirty- 
second year, before he had reached his intellectual prime, fie 
had inaugurated two of the leading ideas on which our people 
have since acted, conventions to consider and alleviate their 
grievances, and the struggle for legal rights. If he did such 
things in early youth, what might he not have done with the 
full force and bent of his matured intellect ? And where, in the 
wide world, in what region, or under what sun, could he so 
effectually have labored to elevate the black man as on this soil 
and under American institutions ? 

So profoundly are we opposed to the favorite doctrine of the 
Puritans and their co-workers, the colonizationists — Ubi Lib- 
ertas, ibi Patria — that we could almost beseech Divine Provi- 
dence to reverse some past events and to fling back into the 
heart of Virginia and Maryland their Sam Wards, Highland 
Garnets, J. W. Penningtons, Frederick Douglasses, and the 
twenty thousand who now shout hosannas in Canada — and we 
would soon see some stirring in the direction of Ubi Patria, ibi 
Libertas. — Anglo-African Magazine, October, 1859. 



52 



Ki)riA'n«;>N among coi-Ored children 



B. 

COMMUNICATION FROM THE NEW YORK SOCIETY 
FOR THE PROMOTION OF EDUCATION 
AMONG COLORED CHILDREN. 
To the Honorable the Commissioners for examining into the 
condition of Common Schools in the City and County of 
New York. 
The followint;- statement in relation to the colored schools in 
said city and county is respectfully presented by the New York 
Society for the Promotion of Education among Colored Chil- 
dren : 

1. The number of colored children in the city and county of 
New ^'ork (estimated in 1855. from the census of 1850), be- 
tween the ages of 4 and 17 years 3,000 

a. .'Kverage attendance of colored children at public 

schools in 1855 913 

Average attendance of colored children in 
corporate schools supported by school funds 
(Colored ( )rphan As\lum) 240 

b. Proportion of average attendance in public 
schools of colored children to whole number 
of same is as i to 2.60. 

2. The mimber of white children in the city of New 
Vijrk in 1855 (estimated as above), between the ages of 

4 and 17 years 1 59,000 

a. Average attendance of white children in public 

schools in 1855 43.858 

Average attendance of while children in 
corporate schools suij])orte<l by public 
funds 2.82(3 

46,684 

b. Proportion of average attendance of white chil- 
dren in public schools to whole number of same 
is as 1 to 3.40. 

3. I'rom these facts it appears that colored children attend 
the public schools (and scliools supported by public funds in 
the city of New York) in the proportion of i to 2.60. and that 
the white children attend similar schools in said ciiy in the pro- 
portion of I to 3.40; that is to say. nearly 25 per cent, more of 
col.ired chiWlren than of white children attend the public schools. 



EnUCATION AMONG COLORF-K CHILDREK 53 

and schools supported by pu])lic funds in the city of New York. 
.4. The number of colored children attending- private schools 
in the city of New York, 125. 

a. The number of white children attending- private 
schools in 1850, census gave 10,560, which number has since 
been increased by the establishment of Catholic parochial 
schools, estimated in 1856, 17.560. 

b. The proportion of colored children attending private 
schools to white children attending same, is as i to 140. 

c. But the average attendance of colored children in all 
schools is about the same as that of the white in propor- 
tion, that is to say, as many colored children attend the 
public schools as do whites attend both public and private 
schools, in proportion to the whole number of each class 
of children. 

Locality, capabilit}-, etc., of colored scliools. 

1. The Board of Education, since its organization, has 
expended in sites and buildings for white schools Si, 600,000. 

b. The Board of Education has expended for sites and 
buildings for colored schools (addition to building leased 
19 Thomas), $1,000. 

c. The two schoolhouses in possession of the Board 
now used for colored children were assigned to same bv 
the Old PubHc School Society. 

2. The proportion of colored children to white children 
attending public schools is as i to 40. 

a. The sum expended on school buildings and sites of 
colored and white schools by the Board of Education is as 
I to 1,600. 

3. a. Schoolhouse No. i, for colored children, is an old 
building, erected in 1820 by the New York Manumission Society 
as a school for colored children, in Mulberry street, in a poor 
but decent locality. It has two departments, one male and one 
female ; it consists of two stories only, and has two small reci- 
tation rooms on each floor, but as primary as well as grammar 
children attend each department, much difficulty and confusion 
arises from the want of class room for the respective studies. 
The building covers only part of the lot, and as it is the best 
attended and among the be.st taught of the colored schools, a 
new and ample school building, erected in this place, would 
prove a great attraction, and could be amply filled bv children. 



5^ EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN 

b. Schoulliouse No. 2, erected in Laurens street more 
than twenty years ago for colored children by the Public 
School Society, is in one of the lowest and filthiest neigh- 
borhoods, -dnd hence, although it has competent teachers 
in the male and female departments, and a separate pri- 
mary department, the attendance has always been slender, 
and will be until the school is removed to a neighborhood 
where children may be sent without danger to their rnorals. 

c. School No. 3, for colored children, in Yorkville, is 
an old building, is well attended, and deserves, in connection 
with Schoolhouse No. 4, in Harlem, a new building midway 
between the present localities. 

d. Schoolhouse No. 5, for colored children, is an old 
building, leased at No. 19 Thomas street, a most degraded 
neighborhood, full of filth and vice ; yet the attendance on 
this school, and the excellence of its teachers, earn for it the 
need of a new site and new building. 

e. Schoolhouse No. 6, for colored children, is in Broad- 
way, near 37th street, in a dwelling house leased and fitted 
up for a school, in which there is always four feet of water 
in the cellar. The attendance good. Some of the school 
officers have repeatedly promised a new building. 

f. Primary school for colored children, No. i, is in the 
basement of a church on 15th street, near 7th avenue, 
in a good location, but premises too small for the attend- 
ance; no recitation rooms, and is perforce both primary 
and grammar school, to the injury of the progress of all. 

g. Primary schools for colored children, No. 2 and 3, 
are in the roar of church, in 2d street, near 6th avenue; the 
rooms are dark and cheerless, and without the needful 
facilities of sufficient recitation rooms, etc. 

From a comparison of the schoolhouses with the splendid, 
almost palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences 
and elegancies which make up the schoolhouses for white chil- 
dren in the city of New York, it is evident that the colored 
children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. Pent 
up in filthy neighborhoods, in old and dilapidated buildings, 
they art> held down to low associations and gloomv surround- 
ings. 

Yet Mr. Superintendent Kiddle, at a general examination of 
colored schools held in Julv last (for silver medals awarded bv 



EDUCATION AMON(, COLORED CHILDREN 55 

the society now addressing your honorable body) declared the 
reading and spelling equal to that of any schools in the city. 

The undersigned enter their solemn protest against this un- 
just treatment of colored children. They believe with the experi- 
ence of Massachusetts, and especially the recent experience pf 
Boston before them, there is no sound reason why colored chil- 
dren shall be excluded from any of the common schools sup- 
ported by taxes levied alike on whites and blacks, and governed 
by ofificers elected by the vote of colored as well as white voters. 

But if in the judgment of your honorable body common 
schools are not thus common to all, then we earnestly pray you 
to recommend to the Legislature such action as shall cause the 
Board of Education of this city to erect at least two well-ap- 
pointed modern grammar schools for colored children on suit- 
able sites, in respectable localities, so that the attendance of 
colored children may be increased and their minds be elevated 
in like manner as the happy experience of the honorable Board 
of Education has been in the matter of white children. 

In addition to the excellent impulse to colored youth which 
these new grammar schools would give, they will have the addi- 
tional argument of actual economy ; the children will be taught 
with far less expense in two such schoolhouses than in the half 
dozen hovels into which they are now driven. It is a costly 
piece of injustice' which educates the white scholar in a palace 
at $io per year and the colored pupil in a hovel at $17 or SiS 
per annum. 

Taxes, etc., of colored population of the city. 

No proposition can be more reasonable than that they who 
pay taxes for schools and schoolhouses should be provided with 
schools and schoolhouses. The colored population of this city, 
in proportion to their numbers, pay their full share of the gen- 
eral and therefore of the school taxes. There are about nine 
thousand adults of both sexes ; of these over three thousand 
are householders, rent-payers, and therefore tax-payers, in that 
sense of the word in whicli owners make tax-payers of their 
poor tenants. The colored laboring man, with an income of 
$200 a year, who pays $72 per year for a room and bedroom, 
is really in proportion to his means a larger tax-payer than the 
millionaire whose tax rate is thousands of dollars. 

But directly, also, do the colored people pay taxes. From 
examinations carefully made, the undersigned affirm that there 



56 EDUCATION AMoXe; fOI.ORED CHll.DKEN 

are in the city at least 1,000 colored persons who own and pay 

taxes on real estate. 

Taxed real estate in the city of New York owned 

by colored persons ?i, 400,000 

Untaxed by colored persons (churches) 250,000 

Personal estate 710,000 

Money in savings banks 1,121,000 

$3,481,000 

These figures indicate that in proportion to their numbers, 
the colored population of this city pay a fair share of the school 
taxes, and that they have been most unjustly dealt with. Their 
money has been used to purchase sites and erect and fit up 
schoolhouses for white children, whilst their own children are 
driven into miserable edifices in disgraceful localities. Surely, 
the white population of the city are too able, too generous, too 
just, any longer to suffer this miserable robbing of their colored 
fellow-citizens for the benefit of white children. 

Praying that your honorable commission will take due notice 
of these facts, and recommend such remedy as shall seem to you 
best. 

We have the honor to be, in behalf of the New York Society 
for the Promotion of Education among Colored Citizens, 
Most respectfullv yours. 

CHARLES B. RAY, President. 
PHILIP A WPHTE, Secretary. 

New York City, December 28, 1857. 



AMERICAN" NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SSTRIT 57 



CHAPTER II. 

AMERICAN NF:GR0 AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT. 
Early Literature of Negro Soldiers— Negro Soldiers in the War of the 

Revolution— The War of 1812— Negro Insurrections— Negro Troops 

in the Civil War — Notes. 
"Do you think I'll make a soldier?" is the opening line of 
one of those delightful spirituals, originating among the slaves 
in the far South. I first heard it sung in the Saint James 
Methodist Church, corner of Spring and Coming Streets, 
Charleston, South Carolina, immediately after the close of the 
war. It was sung by a vast congregation to a gentle, swing- 
ing air, with nothing of the martial about it, and was accom- 
panied by a swaying of the body to the time of the music. Oc- 
casionally there would be the "curtesys" peculiar to the South 
Carolina slave of the low country, which consists in a stoop- 
ing of the body by bending the knees only, the head remain- 
ing- erect, a movement which takes the place 
of the bow among equals. The older ladies, with 
heads adorned with the ever-present Madras kerchier, 
often tied in the most becoming and tasteful man- 
ner, and faces aglow with an enthusiasm that bespoke a 
life within sustained by visions of spiritual things, would often 
be seen to shake hands and add a word of greeting and hope 
which would impart a charm and meaning to the singing far 
above what the humble words of the song without these acces- 
sories could convey. As the rich chorus of matchless voices 
poured out in perfect time and tune, "Rise, shine, and give 
God the glory," the thoughts of earthly freedom, of freedom 



58 AMERICAN NEGRO ANP THE MH.ITARV SPIRIT 

from sin, and finally of freedom from the toils, cares and sor- 
rows of earth to be baptized into the joys of heaven, all seemed 
to blend into the many colored but harmonious strain. The 
singing of the simple hearted trustful, emancipated slave! 
Shall we ever hear the like again on earth? Alas, that the 
high hopes and glowing prophecies of that auspicious hour 
have been so deferred that the hearts of millions have been 
made sick ! 

Of the songs that came out of slavery with these long suffer- 
ing people, Colonel Higginson, who perhaps got nearer to 
them in sentiment than any other literar}' man not really of 
them, says : ''Almost all their songs were thoroughly re- 
ligious in their tone, however quaint their expression, and were 
in a minor key both as to words and music. The attitude is 
always the same, and, as a commentary on the life of the race, 
is infinitely pathetic. Nothing but patience for this life — 
nothing but triumph in the next. Sometimes the present pre- 
dominates, sometimes the future: but the combination is always 
implied." 

I do not know when this "soldier" song had its birth, but 
it may have sprung out of the perplexity of the slave's mind 
as he contemplated the raging conflict and saw himself drawn 
nearer and nearer to the field of strife. Whether in this song 
the "present predominates," and the query, therefore, has a 
strong j)rimary reference to carnal weapons and to garments 
dyed in blood : whether the singer invites an opinion as to his 
fitness to engage in the war for Freedom — it may not be jxis- 
sible to determine. The "year of Jubilee," coming in the same 
song in connection with the purpose for which the singer is 
to be made a soldier, gives clearer illustration of that combina- 
tion of the present and future which Mr. Higginson says was 
always present in the spirituals of that period, if it shows uo 



AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 59 

more. When it is remembered that at that time Charleston 
was literally trodden under foot by black soldiers in bright 
uniforms, whose coming- seemed to the colored people of that 
city like a dream too good to be true, it is not hard to believe 
that this song had much of the present in it, and owed its birth 
to the circumstances of war. 

Singularly enough the song makes the Negro ask the exact 
question which had been asked about him from the earliest 
days of our history as a nation, a question which in some form 
confronts him still. The question, as the song has it, is not one 
of fact, but one of opinion. It is not: Will I make a soldier? 
but : Do you think I will make a soldier ? It is one thing to 
"make a soldier," another thing to have men think so. The 
question of fact was settled a century ago; the question of 
opinion is still unsettled. The Negi'o soldier, hero of five hun- 
dred battlefields, with medals and honors resting upon his 
breast, with the endorsement of the highest military authority 
of the nation, with Port Hudson, El Caney and San Juan be- 
hind him. is still expected by too many to stand and await the 
verdict of thought, from persons who never did "think" he 
would make a soldier, and who never will think so. As well 
expect the excited animal of the ring to think in the presence 
of the red rag of the toreador as to expect them to think on 
the subject of the Negro soldier. They can curse, and rant. 
when they see the stalwart Negro in uniform, but it is toc» 
much to ask them to think. To them the Negro can be a fiend. 
a brute, but never a soldier. 

To John G. Whittier and to William C. Nell are we in- 
debted for the earliest recital of the heroic deeds of the col- 
ored American in the Wars of the Revolution and 1812. 
W^hittier contributed an article on this subject to the "National 
Era" in 1847, and five or six years later Nell published hi^ 



6o AMKRICAN KE(;R0 AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 

l)aniphlet on "Colored Patriots," a booklet recently reprinted 
l)y the African Methodist Episcopal Church. It is a useful con- 
tribution, showing as it does the rising- and spreading abroad 
of that spirit which appreciates military effort and valor; and 
while recognizing the glory that came to American arms in the 
period described, honestly seeks to place some of that glory 
upon the deserving brov^^ of a race then enslaved and despised. 
The l)Ook is unpretentious and aims to relate the facts in a 
straight-forward way, unaccompanied by any of the charms of 
tasteful presentation. Its author, however, is deserving our 
thanks, and the book marks an important stage in the develop- 
ment of the colored American. His mind was turning toward 
the creation of the soldier — the formation of armies. 

Tliere are other evidences that the mind of the colored man 
was at this time turning towards arms. In 1852 Doctor Pen- 
nington, one of the most learned colored men of his times, hav- 
ing received his Degree in Divinity from Pleidelberg, delivered 
an address before a mass convention of colored citizens of 
Ohio, held in Cleveland, in which he spoke principally of the 
colored soldier. During the convention the "Cleveland Light 
Artillery" hred a salute, and on the platform were seated sev- 
eral veteran colored men, some of them, particularly Mr. John 
Julius, of Pittsburg, Pa., taking part in the speech-making. 
Mr. Nell says: "Within recent period several companies of 
coloretl men in New York city have enrolled themselves a la 
miiitairc," and quotes from the New York Tribune of August, 
1852, as follows: 

"COLORED SOLDIERS.— Among the many parades 
within a few days we noticed yesterday -a soldierly-looking 
comp:uiy of colored men, on their way homeward from a tar- 
get or parade drill. They looked like men, handled their arms 
like men, and should occasion demand, we presume they would 
tight like men." 



AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 6l 

In Boston, New Haven, New Bedford and other places ef- 
forts were made during- the decade from 1850 to i860 to mani- 
fest this rising- miHtary spirit by appropriate organization, but 
the efforts were not always successful. In some cases the 
prejudices of the whites put every possible obstacle in the 
way of the colored young men ^vho attem])ted to array them- 
selves as soldiers. 

The martial spirit is not foreign to the Negro character, as 
has been abundantly proved in both ancient and modern times. 
Williams, in his admirable history of the Negro as well as in 
his "Negro Troops in the Rebellion," has shown at consider- 
able length that the Negro has been a soldier from earliest 
times, serving in large numbers in the Egyptian arnn- long be- 
fore the beginning of the Christian era. We know that with- 
out any great modification in character, runawa}- slaves de- 
veloped excellent fighting qualities as Maroons, in Trinidad, 
British Guiana. St. Domingo and in Florida. But it was in 
Kayti tliat the unmixed Negro rose to the full dignity of a 
modern soldier, creating and leading armies, conducting and 
carrying on war. treating with enemies and receiving surrend- 
ers, complying fully with the rules of civilized warfare, and 
evolving finally a 'I'ous.saint, whose military genius his most 
bitter enemies were compelled to recognize — Toussaint. who 
to the high qualities of the soldier added also the higher quali- 
ties of statesmanship. With Napoleon, Cromwell and Wash- 
ington, the three great commanders of modern times who have 
joined to high military talent eminent ability in the art of 
civil government, Ave must also class Toussaint L'Ouverteur, 
the black soldier of the Antilles. Thiers, the prejudiced at- 
torney of Napoleon, declares nevertheless that Toussaint pos- 
sessed wonderful talent for government, and the fact ever re- 
mains that under his benign rule all classes were pacified and 



<i2 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 

San Domingo was made to blossom as the rose. In the armies 
of Menelek, in' the armies of France, in the armies of England, 
a^ well as in the organization of the Zulu and Kaffir tribes 
the Negro has shown himself a soldier. If the Afro- American 
should fail in this particular it will not be because of any lack 
of the military element in the African side of his character, or 
for anv lack of "remorseless military audacity" in the original 
Negro, as the historian. Williams, expresses it. 

In our ow^n Revolutionary War, the Negro, then but par- 
tially civilized, and classed with "vagabonds," held every- 
where as a slave, and everywhere distrusted, against protest 
and enactment, maole his way into the patriot army, fighting 
side by side with his wdiite compatriots from Lexington to 
^'orktown. On the morning of April igth, 1775, when the 
Ijritish re-enforcements were preparing to leave Boston for 
Lexington, a Negro soldier who had served in the French war, 
<:ommanded a small body of West Cambridge "exempts" and 
captured Lord Percy's supply train with its military escort and 
the officer in command. As a rule the Negro soldiers w^ere 
distributed among the regiments, thirty or forty to a regiment, 
and did not serve in separate organizations. Bishop J. P. 
Campbell, of the African Methodist Church, was accustomed 
to say "both of my grandfathers served in the Revolutionary 
War." In \"arnum's Brigade, however, there was a Negro 
regiment and of it Scribner's history, 1897, says, speaking of 
the battle of Rhode Island : "None behaved better than 
( ircene's colored regiment, which three times repulsed the fur- 
ious charges of veteran Hessians." Williams says: "The 
black regiment was one of three that prevented the enemy from 
inrning the flank of the American army. These black troops 
w ere doubtless regarded as the weak spot of the line, but they 
w ere not." 



AMERICAN NFX.ro AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 63 

The colony of Massachusetts alone furnished 67,907 men 
for the Revolutionary War, while all the colonies together 
south of Pennsylvania furnished but 50,493. hence the senti- 
ment prevailing in jMassachusetts would naturally be very 
powerful in determining any question pertaining to the army. 
When the country sprang to arms in response to that shot tired 
at Lexington, the echoes of which, poetically speaking, were 
heard around the world, the free Negroes of every Northern 
colony rallied with their white neighbors. They were in the 
fight at Lexington and at Bunker Hill, but when Washington 
came to take command of the army he soon gave orders that 
no Negroes should be enlisted. He was sustained in this posi- 
tion bv a council of war and by a committee of conference in 
which were representatives from Rhode Island, Connecticut 
and Massachusetts, and it was agreed that Negroes be rejected 
altogether. The American Negro's persistency in pressing 
himself where he is not zvantcd but where he is emiiiesitly 
needed began right there. Within six weeks so many colored 
men applied for enlistment, and those that had been put out 
of the army raised such a clamor that Washington changed his 
policy, and the Negro, who of all America's population con- 
tended for the privilege of shouldering a gun to fight for 
American liberty, was allowed a place in the Continental Army, 
the first national army organized on this soil, ante-dating the 
national flag. The Negro soldier helped to evolve the national 
standard and was in the ranks of the fighting men o\-er whom 
it first unfolded its broad stripes and glittering stars. 

*"To the Honorable General Court of the Massachusetts Bay : 

"The subscribers beg leave to report to your Honorable House, which 
we do in justice to the character of so brave a man, that, under our own 
observation, we declare that a Negro man called Salem Poor, of Cd. F«7e's 
regiment, Capt. Ames' company, in the late battle at Charlestown, be- 



64 AMKRICAN XE(;R0 AND IHE ViiLDAKV Sl'JRIT 

It is in place here to mention a legion of free mulattoes and 
blades from the Island of St. Domingo, a full account of 
whose services is appended to this section, who fought under 
D'Estaing with great distinction in the siege of Savannah, 
their bravery at that time saving the patriot army from anni- 
hilation. 

When tiie Revolutionary War had closed tlie brave black sol- 
dier who had fought to give to the world a new flag whose 
every star should be a star of hope to the oppressed, and whose 
trinity of colors should symbohze Liberty, Equalty and Fra- 
ternity, found his race, and in some instances himself person- 
ally, encased in a cruel and stubborn slavery. For the soldier 
himself special provision had been made in both Northern 
and Southern colonies, but it was not always hearty or effec- 
tive. In October, 1783, the Virginia Legislature passed an act 
for the relief of certain slaves who had served in the armv 



haved like an expL-ricnccd officer, as well as an excellent soldier. We 
would only beg leave to say, in the person of this said Negro centres a 
hravc and gallant soldier. The reward due to so great and distinguished 
a cliaraclcr we submit to the Congress. 

"Cambridge, Dec. 5, 1775." 

These black soldiers, fresh from heathen lands, not out of slavery, 
proved themselves as worthy as the best. In the battle of Bunker Hill, 
where all were brave, two Negro soldiers so distinguished themselves that 
their names have come down to us garlanded with the tributes of their 
contenipuraries. Peler Salem, until then a slave, a private in Colonel 
Ni.xon's regiment of Continentals, without orders fired deliberately upon 
Major Pitcairn as he was leading the assault of the British to what ap- 
peared certain victory. Everet in speaking "of Prescott, Putnam and War- 
ren, the chiefs of the day," mentions in immediate connection "the colored 
man, Salem, who is reported to have shot the gallant Pitcairn as he 
mounted the parapet." What Salem Poor did is not set forth, but the fol- 
lowing is the wreath of praise that surrounds his name: 

Jona. Brewer, Col. l^liphalet Bodwell, Sgt. 

'i'homas Ni.xon, Lt.-Col. Josiah Foster, Lieut. 

Wm. Precott, Col. Kbenr. Varnum, 2d Lieut. 

F.phm. Corey, Lieut. Wm. Hudson Ballard, Capt. 

Joseph Baker, Lieut. William Smith, Capt. 

Joshua Row, Lieut. John Morton, Sergt. (?) 

Jonas Richardson, Capt. Richard Welsh, Lieut. 



AMERICAN NEGRO AN {> THE MILITARY SPIRIT OJ 

whose ''former owners were trying to force to return to a state 
of servitude, contrary to the principles of justice and their 
solemn promise." The act provided that each and every slave 
who had enlisted *'by the appointment and direction of his 
owner" and had "been received as a substitute for any free 
person whose duty or [ot it was to serve" and who had served 
faithfully during the term of such enhstment, unless lawfully 
discharged earlier, should be fully and completely emancipated 
and should be held and deemed free in as full and ample man- 
ner as if each and every one of them were specially named in 
.♦fee act. The act, though apparently so fair on its face, and in- 
lerlarded as it is with patriotic and moral phrases, is neverthe- 
less very narrow^ and technical, liberating only those who en> 
listed by the appointment and direction of their owners, and 
who were accepted as substitutes, and who came out of the 
army with good discharges. It is not hard to see that evei^ 
under this act many an ex-soldier might end his days in slav- 
ery. The Negro had joined in the fight for freedom and when 
victory is won finds himself a slave. He was both a slave and 
a soldier, too often, during the war ; and now at its close may 
be both a veteran and a slave. 

The second war with Great Britain broke out with an inci 
dent in which the Negro in the navy was especially conspicuous. 
The Chesapeake, an American war vessel was hailed, fired upon 
and forced to strike her colors, by the British. She was then 
boarded and searched and four persons taken from her decks, 
claimed as deserters from the English navy. Three of these 
were Negroes and one white. The Negroes were finally dis- 
missed with a reprimand and the white man hanged. Five 
years later hostilities 1>egan on land and no opposition was man- 
ifested toward the employment of Negro soldiers. Laws were 
passed, especially in New York, authorizing the formation ot 

5 



66 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 

regiments of blacks with white ofticers. It is remarkable that 
although the successful insurrection of St. Doming-o was so 
recent, and many refugees from that country at that time were 
in the United States, and our country had also but lately 
come into possession of a large French element by the Louis- 
iana purchase, there was no fear of a servile insurrection in 
this country. The free colored men of New Orleans, under the 
proclamation of the narrow-minded Jackson, rallied to the de- 
fence of that city and bore themselves with conmiendable valor 
in that useless battle. The war closed, however, and the glory 
t)f the Negro soldier who fought in it soon expired in the dis- 
mal gloom of a race-slavery becoming daily more wide-spread 
and hoi>eless. 

John Brown's movement was military in character and con- 
templated the creation of an anny of liberated slaves; but its 
early suppression prevented any display of Negro valor or gen- 
ius. Its leader must ever receive the homage due those who 
are so moved by the woes of others as to overlook all con- 
>i derations of policy and personal risk. As a plot for the 
destruction of life it fell far short of the Nat Turner insurrec- 
tion which swept off fifty-seven persons within a few hours. 
In purjiose the two episodes agree. They both aim at the lib- 
eration of the slave ; both were led by fanatics, the reflex pro- 
vluction of the cruelty of slavery, and both ended in the melan- 
choly death of ihcir heroic leaders. Turner's was the insur- 
rection of the slave and was not free from the mad violence of 
revenge: Brown's was the insurrection of the friend of the 
>lave, and was governed by the high and noble purpose of free- 
dom. The insurrections of Denmark Vesey in South Carolina, 
in 1822, and of Nat Turner, in Virginia, in 1831, show con- 
clusively that the Negro slave possessed the courage, the cun- 
ning, .the secretiveness and the intelligence to fight for his free- 



AMERICAN NEGRO AND 1 HE MILITARY SP5KIT 67 

ciom. These two attem}Dts were sufficiently broad and intelli- 
g-ent, when taken into consideration with the enforced ignor- 
ance of the slave, to prove the Negro even in his forlorn con- 
dition capable of daring great things. Of the probable thous- 
ands who were engaged in the Denmark Vesey insurrection, 
only fifteen were convicted, and these died heroically without 
revealing anything connected with the plot. Forty-three years 
later I met the son of Denmark Ve.sey, who rejoiced in the 
efforts of his noble father, and regarded his death on the gal- 
lows as a holy sacrifice to the cause of freedom. Turner de- 
scribes his fight as follows : *'The white men. eighteen in num- 
ber, approached us to about one hundred yards, when one of 
them fired, and I discovered alx'Ut half of them retreating. I 
then ordered my men to fire and rush on them. The few re- 
maining stood their ground until we approached within fifty 
yards, when they fired and retreated. We pursued and over- 
took some of them whom we thought we left dead. After pur- 
suing them about two hundred' yards, and rising a little hill, 
I discovered they were met b}' another party, and had halted 
and were reloading their guns. Thinking that those who re- 
treated first and the party who fired on us at fifty or sixty 
yards distant had all only fallen back to meet others with am- 
munition, as I saw them reloading their guns, and more com- 
ing- up than I saw at first, and several of my bravest men be- 
ing wounded, the others became panic struck and scattered over 
the field. The white men i)ursued and fired on us several 
times. Hark had his horse shot under him, and I caught an- 
other for him that was running by me ; five or six of my men 
were wounded, but none left on the field. Finding myself de- 
feated here, I instantly determined to go through a private way 
and cross the Nottoway River at Cypress Bridge, three miles 
below Jerusalem, and attack that place in the rear, as I ex- 



68 AMERICAN NEGRO AND IHE MltrtARV SVIRIT 

pected they would look for me on the other road, and I had a 
great desire to get there to procure arms and ammunition. 
After going- a short distance in this private way, accompanied 
by about twenty men, I overtook two or three who told me the 
others were dispersed in every direction. After trying in vain 
to collect a sufficient force to proceed to Jerusalem, I deter- 
mined to return, as 1 was sure they would make back to their 
old neighlx)riiood, where they would rejoin me, make new re- 
cruits, and come down again. (3n my way back I called on 
Mrs. Thomas', Mrs. Spencer's and several other places. We 
stopped at Major Ridley's quarters for the night, and being- 
joined by four of his men, with the recruits made since my de- 
feat, we mustered now about forty strong. 

After placing out sentinels, 1 lay down to sleep, but was 
quickly aroused by a great ra.cket. Starting up I found some 
mounted and others in great contusion, one of the sentinels 
having given tlie alarm that we were about to be attacked. I 
ordered some to ride around and reconnoitre, and on their re- 
turn the uthers being more alarmed, not knowing who they 
were, tied in different ways, so that I was reduced to about 
twenty again. With this I determined to attempt to recruit, 
and proceed on to rally in the neighborhood I had left."* 

No one can read this account, which is thoroughly supported 
l)y contemporary testimony, without seeing in this poor mis- 
guided siavc the elements of a vigorous captain. Failing in 
his efforts he made his escape and reinained for two months in 
hiding in the vicmity of his pursuers. One concerned in his 
prosecution says: "It has been said that he was ignorant and 
cowardly and that !n"s object was to murder and rob for the 
pur|xjse of obtaining money to make his escape. Tt is notor- 



*Confes--;on of Nut Turner, Anglo-Alrican Magazine, \ ol. I, p. \^ 
J 859 



AWEUICAN NEGRO AN'P IHE MILITARY .SPIKIT 69 

SOUS that he was never known to have a dollar in his life, to 
swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits. As to iiis ignorance, 
he certainly never had the advantages of education, but he 
can read and write (it was taught him by his parents) and for 
natural intelligence and quickness of apprehension, is surpassed 
by few men I have ever seen. As to his being a coward, his 
reason as given for not resisting Mr. Phipps shows the decision 
of his character." * 

The War of the Rebellion, now called the Civil War, effected 
the last and tremendous step in the transition of the American 
Negro from the position of a slave under the Republic to that 
of a soldier in its armies. Both under officers of his own race 
at Port Hudson and under white officers on a hundred battle- 
fields, the Negro in arms proved himself a worthy foeman 
against the bravest and sternest enemies that ever assailed our 
nation's flag, and a worthy comrade of the Union's best de- 
fenders. Thirty-six thousand eight hundred and forty-seven 
of them gave their lives in that awful conflict. The entire 
race on this continent and those of allied blood throughout the 
world are indebted to the soldier-historian, Honorable G«>rge 
W. Williams, for the eloquent story of their service in the 
Union Army, and for the presentation of the high testimonials 
to the valor and worthiness of the colored soldier as given by 
the highest military authority of the century. From Chapter 
XVI of his book, "Negro Troops in the Rebellion," the para- 
graphs appended at the close of this chapter are quoted. 

. II bid. 



7G THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 

A. 

now THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION SAVED 

THE PATRIOT ARMY IN THE SIEGE OF 

SAVANNAH, 1779. 

The .siege and attempted reduction of Savannah by the com- 
bined French and American forces i.s one of the events of our 
revolutionary war, upon which our historians care little to 
dwell. Because it reflects but little glory upon the American 
arms, and resulted so disastrously to the American cause, its 
important historic character and connections have been al- 
lowed to fade from general sight ; and it stands in the ordin- 
ary school text-books, much as an affair of shame. The fol- 
lowing, quoted from Barnes' History, is a fair sample of the 
way in which it is treated : 

"French-American Attack on Savannah. — In September. 
D'Estaing joined Lincoln in besieging that city. After a se- 
vere bombardment, an unsuccessful assault was made, in 
which a thousand lives were lost. Count Pulaski was mortally 
wounded. The simple-hearted Sergeant Jasper died grasp- 
ing the banner presented to his regiment at Fort Moultrie. 
D'Estaing refused to give further aid ; thus again deserting 
the Americans when help was most needed." 

From this brief sketch the reader is at liberty to infer that 
the attack was unwise if not fool-hardy; that the battle was 
unimportant; and that the conduct of Count D'Estaing im- 
UKdiatcly after the battle was unkmd, if not unjust, to the 
Americans. While the paragraph does not pretend to tell the 
whole truth, what it does tell ought to be the truth; and this 
ought to be told in such a way as to give correct impressions. 
The attack upon Savannah was well-planned and thoroughly 
well considered; and it failed only because the works were .so 
ably defended, chiefly by British regulars, under brave and 
skillful officers. In a remote way, which it is the purpose of 
this paper to trace, that sanguinary struggle had a wider bear- 
ing upon the progress of liberty m the Western World thai' 
any other one battle fought during the Revolution. 

But first let us listen to the story of the battle itself. Colonel 
Campbell with a force of three thousand men, captured Sa- 
vannah in December, 1778; and in the January following, Gen- 
eral Prevost arrived, and by March had established assort of 
civil government in Georgia. Savannah being the capital. In 



THE BLACK ST. DOMINCO LEGION 7I 

April, the American general, Lincoln, feeble in more senses 
than one, perhaps, began a movement against Savannah by 
way of Augusta; but Prevost, aware of his purpose, crossed 
into South Carolina and attempted an attack upon Charleston. 
Finding the city too well defended, he contented himself with 
ravaging the plantations over a wide extent of adjacent coun- 
try, and returned to Savannah laden with rich spoils, among 
which were included three thousand slaves, of whose labor he 
made good use later. 

The patriots of the South now awaited in hope the com- 
ing of the French fleet ; and on the first of September, Count 
D'Estaing appeared suddenly on the coast of Georgia with 
thirty-three sail, surprised and captured four^ British war- 
ships, and announced t> the government of South Carolina 
his readiness to assist in the recapture of Savannah. He urged 
as a condition, however, that his ships should not be detained 
long off so dangerous a coast, as is was now the hurricane 
season, and there was neither harbor, road, nor offing for their 
protection. 

By means of sm?.ll vessels sent from Charleston he effected 
a landing in ten days, and four days thereafter, on the i6th, 
he summoned the garrison to surrender to the arms of France. 
Although this demand was made in the name of France for the 
plain reason that the American army was not yet upon the 
spot, the loyalists did not fail to make it a pretext for the 
accusation that the French were desirous of making conquests 
in tlie war on their own account. In the meantime Lincoln 
with the regular troops, was hurrying toward Savannah, and 
had issued orders for the militia to rendezvous at the same 
place ; and the militia full of hope of a speedy, if not of a blood- 
less conquest, were entering upon this campaign with more 
than ordinary enthusiasm. 

During the time that the fleet had been oft" the coast, and 
especially since the landing, the British had been very busy 
in putting the city in a high state of defence, and in making 
efforts to strengthen the garrison. Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, 
who had a small force at Sunbury, the last place in Georgia 
that had been captured by the British, and Lieutenant-colonel 
Maitland who was commanding a considerable force at Beau- 
fort, were ordered to report in haste with their commands at 
Savannah. On the i6th, when the summons to surrender was 



THE BLACK ST. DOMIKGO LEGION 

received by Prevost, Maitlaiul had not arrived, but was hourly 
expected. Prevost asked for a delay of twenty-four hours to 
consider the proposal, which delay was granted: and on that 
very evening, Maitland with his force arrived at Dawfuskie. 
Finding the river in the possession of the French, his course 
for a time seemed effectually cut off. By the merest chance 
he fell in with some Negro fishermen wdio informed him of a 
passage known as Wall's cut, through Scull's creek, navigable 
for small boats. A favoring tide and a dense fog enabled him 
to conduct his command unperceived by tlie French, through 
this route, and thus arrive in Savannah on the afternoon of the 
17th, before the expiration of the twenty-four hours. General 
Prevo-st had gained his point; and now believing himself able 
to resist an assault, declined the summons to surrender. Two 
armed ships and four transports were sunk in the channel of 
the river below the city, and a boom in the same place laid 
entirely across the river ; while several small boats were sunk 
above the town, thus rendering it impossible for the city to be 
approached by water. 

On the day of the summons to surrender, although the 
works were otherwise well advanced, there were not ten can- 
non mounted in the lines of Savannah ; but from that time 
until the day of assault, the men of the garrison, with the 
slaves they had captured, worked day and night to get the de- 
fences of the city in the highest state of excellence. Major 
Moncrief, chief of the engineers, is credited w'ith placing in 
position more than eighty cannons in a short time after the 
call to surrender had been received. 

The city itself at this time was but a mere village of frame 
buildings and unpaved streets. Viewed as facing its assail- 
ants, it was protected in its rear, or upon its north side, by 
the Savannah river; and on its west side by a thick swamp or 
morass, which communicated with the river above the city, 
'file exposed sides were those of the east and south. These 
faced an open country which for several miles w'as entirely 
clear of woods. This exposed portion of the city was well pro- 
tected by an unbroken line of defences extending from the 
river back to the swamp, the right and left extremes of the 
line consisting of strong redoubts, while the centre was made 
Tip of seamen's batteries in front, with impalements and tra- 
verses thrown up to protect the troops from the fire of the 




Savannah River. 



THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 73 

besiegers. The whole extent of the works was faced with an 
ample abattis. 

To be still more particular: there were three redoubts on 
the right of the line, and on the right of them quite near 
the swamp, was a sailor's battery of nine pounders, covered 
by a company of the British legion. The left redoubt of these 
three, was known as the Springhill redoubt ; and proved to be 
the objective of the final assault. Between it and the centre, 
was another sailor's battery behind which were posted the 
grenadiers of the 6oth regiment, with the marines which had 
been landed from the warships. On the left of the line near 
the river were two redoubts, strongly constructed, with a 
massv frame of green spong>' wood, filled in with sand, and 
mounted with heavy cannon. The centre, or space between 
these groups of redoubts, was composed, as has been said, of 
lighter but nevertheless very effective works, and was strong!) 
garrisoned. 

Having thus scanned the works, let us now take a glance 
at the men who are to defend them. As all of the assaulting 
forces are not made up of Americans, so all of the defenders 
are not foreigners. The centre redoubt of the triplet on the 
right, was garrisoned by two companies of militia, with the 
North Carolina regiment to support them ; Captains Roworth 
and Wylie, with the provincial corps of King's Rangers, were 
posted in the redoubt on the right; and Captain Tawse with 
his corps of provincial dragons, dismounted, in the left or 
Springhill redoubt, supported by the South Caroline regiment. 
The whole of this force on the right of the line, was under 
the command of the gallant Lieutenant-colonel Maitland; and 
it was this force that made the charge that barely failed of 
annihilating the American army. On the left of the line, the 
Georgia loyalists garrisoned one of those massy wooden sand- 
filled redoubts ; while in the centre, cheek by jowl so to speak, 
with two battalions of the seventy-first regiment, and two 
regiments of Hessians, stood the New York Volunteers. All 
of these corps were ready to act as circumstances should re- 
quire and to support any part of the line that might be at- 
tacked. The Negroes who worked on these defences were un- 
der the direction of Major Moncrief. 

The French troops had landed below the city and were 
formed facing the British lines, with the river on their right. 



74 



THE BLACK ST. DOMIKCO LEGION 



On their left, later, assembled the American troops. The 
final dispositions were concluded by September 22nd, and 
were as follows : The American troops imder Lincoln formed 
the left of the line, their left resting upon the swamp and the 
entire division facing the Springhill redoubt and her two sis- 
ter defences; then came the division of M. de Noailles, com- 
posed of nine hundred men. D'Estaing's division of one thou- 
sand men beside the artillery, came next, and formed the cen- 
tre of the French army. On D'Estaing's right was Count 
Dillon's division of nine hundred men ; on the right of Dillon 
were the powder magazine, cattle depot, and a small field hos- 
pital ; on the right of the depot and a little in advance, vvere 
Dejean's dragoons, numbering fifty men ; upon the same align- 
ment and to the right of the dragoons were Rouvrais' Volun- 
teer Chasseurs, numbering seven hundred and fifty men ; still 
further on to the right and two hundred yards in advance of 
Rouvrais, was Framais, comanding the Grenadier Volunteers, 
and two hundred men besides, his right resting upon the 
swampy wood that bordered the river, thus completely clos- 
ing in the city on the land side. The frigate, La Truite, and 
two galleys, lay within cannon shot of the town, and with the 
aid of the armed store ship, La Bricole, and the frigate, La 
Chimcre, effectually cut oflf all communication by v/ater. 

On the 23rd, both the French and the Americans opened 
their trenches; and on the 24th, a small detachment of the be- 
sieged made a sortie against the French. The attack was 
easily repulsed, but the French pursuing, approached so near 
the entrenchments of the enemy that they were fired upon 
and several were killed. On the night of the 27th another 
sortie was made which threw the besiegers into some confu- 
sion and caused the French and Americans to fire upon each 
other. Cannonading continued with but little result until 
r)ctobcr 8th. 

The engineers were now of the opinion that a speedy re- 
<luction of the city could not be accomplished by regular ap- 
proaches; and the naval officers were very anxious about the 
fleet, both because of the dangers to which it was exposed 
from the sea, and also because with so many men ashore it 
was in especial danger of being attacked and captured by Brit- 
ish men-of-vvar. These representations agreeing altogether 
with D'Estaing's previously expressed wishes to leave the 



THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 75 

coast as soon as possible, induced that officer and General 
Lincoln to decide upon an attempt to storm the British worlcs 
at once. It is quite probable that this had been the purpose 
as a last resort from the first. The preservation of the fleet 
was, however, the powerful factor in determining the time and 
character of the assault upon Savannah. 

On the night of the eighth, Major L'Enfant, with a detach- 
ment attempted to set fire to the abattis in order to clear the 
way for the assault, but failed to through the dampness of 
the wood. The plan of the assault may be quite accurately ob- 
tained from the orders given to the American troops on the 
evening of the 8th by General Lincoln and from the inferences 
to be drawn from the events of the morning of the 9th as they 
are recorded in history. At least two of the historians who 
have left us accounts of the seige, Ramsey and McCall, were 
present at the time, and their accounts may be regarded as 
original authority. General Lincoln's orders were as fol- 
lows : 

"Evening Orders. By General Lincoln. 
Watchword — Lewis. 

"The soldiers will be immediately supplied with 40 rounds 
of cartridges, a spare flint, and have their arms in good order. 
The infantry destined for the attack of Savannah wdl be di- 
vided into two bodies ; first composed of the light troops under 
the comm.and of Colonel Laurens ; the second, of the conti- 
nental battalions and the first battalion of the Charleston 
militia, except the grenadiers, who are to join the light troops. 
The whole will parade at i o'clock, near the left of the line, 
and march by platoons. The guards of the camp will be 
formed of the invalids, and be charged to keep the fires as 
usual in camp. 

"The cavalry under the command of Count Pulaski, will 
parade at the same time with the infantry and follow the left 
column of the French troops, precede the column of the Amer- 
ican light troops ; they will endeavor to penetrate the enemy's 
lines between the battery on the left of Springhill redoubt, and 
the next towards the river; having effected this, will pass to 
the left towards Yamacraw and secure such parties of the 
enemy as may be lodged in that quarter. 

"The artillery wall parade at the same time, foITow^ the 



^6 THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGIOK 

l-"rench artillery, and remain with the corps de reserve until 
they receive further orders. 

"The whole will be ready by the time appointed, with the 
utmost silence and punctuality; and be ready to march the 
instant Count Dillon and General Lincoln shall order. 

"The lij^ht troops who are to follow the cavalry, will attempt 
to enter the redoubt on the left of the Springhill, by escalade 
if possible ; if not by entrance into it, they are to be supported 
if necessarv by the first South Carolina regiment; in the mean- 
time the column will proceed with the lines to the left of the 
Springhill battery. 

•'The light troops having succeeded against the redoubt wiM 
proceed to the left and attempt the several works between that 
and the river. 

"The column will move to the left of the French troops, 
taking care not to interfere w-ith them. 

"The light troops having carried the work towards the river 
will form on the left of the column. 

"It is especially forbidden to fire a single gun before the 
redoubts are carried; or for any soldier to quit his rank to 
plunder without an order for that purpose; any who shall 
presume to transgress in either of these respects shall be re- 
puted a disobeyer of military orders which is punishable with 
death. 

"The militia of the first and second brigades, General Wil- 
liamson's and the second battalion of the Charleston militia 
will parade immediately under the command of General 
Huger; after draughting five hundred of them the remander 
of them will go into the trenches and put themselves under 
the commanding officer there ; with the 500 he will march 
to the left of the enemy's line, remain as near them as he pos- 
sibly can without being seen, until four o'clock in the morn- 
ing, at which time the troops in the trenches will begin an 
attack upon the enemy ; he will then advance and make his 
attack as near the river as possible : though this is only meant 
as a feint, yet should a favorable opportunity offer, he will 
improve it and push into the town. 

"In case of a repulse after taking Springhill redoubt, the 
troops will retreat and rally in the rear of redoubt; if it can- 
not be effected that way, it must be attempted by the same 
route at which thev entered. 



THE Ht.ACK ST. I>OM1NC.O LEGION 77 

•"The second place of rallying (or the first if the redoubt 
should not be carried) will be at the Jews' burying-ground, 
where the reserve will be placed ; if these two halts should 
not be effected, they will retire towards camp. 

'"The troops will carry in their hats a piece of white paper 
by which they will be distinguished." 

General Huger with his five hundred militia, covered by the 
river swamp, crept quite close to the enemy's lines and deliver- 
ed his attack as directed. Its purpose was to draw attention to 
that quarter and if possible cause a weakening of the strength 
in the left centre of the line. What its real effect was, there 
is now no means of knowing. 

Count Dillon, who during the siege had been on D'Estaing's 
right, and who appears to have been second in command in 
the French army, in this assault was placed in command of a 
second attacking column. His purpose was to move to the 
right of General Huger, and keeping in the edge of the swamps 
along the river, steal past the enemy's batteries on the left, 
and attack him in the rear. Bancroft describes the results of 
his efforts as follows: "The column under Count Dillon, which 
was to have attacked the rear of the British lines, became en- 
tangled in a swamp of which it should only have skirted the 
edg-e was helplessly exposed to the British batteries and could 
not even be formed." Here were the two strong sand-filled 
redoubts, mounted with heavy cannon, and these may have 
been the batteries that stopped Dillon's column. 

Count Pulaski with his two hundred brave cavalrymen, 
undertook his part in the deadly drama with ardor, and be- 
gan that perilous ride which had for its object: "to penetrate 
the enemy's lines, between the battery on the left of the 
Springhill redoubt, and the next towards the river." Balch 
describes it as an attempt to "penetrate into the city by gal- 
loping between the redoubts." It was the anticipation of the 
Crimean "Charge of the Light Brigade ;" only in this case. 
no one blundered : it was simply a desperate chance. Cannon 
were to the right, left, and front, and the heroic charge proved 
in vain ; the noble Pole fell, banner* in hand, pierced with a 

■"The presentation oi' this banner by the Moravian Nuns of Betlilehem 
forms the text of the poem by Longfellow beginning — 
When the dying flame of day 
Tl^rongh th<r chancel ?hot its ray. 



-S IHE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 

mortal wound — another foreigTi martyr to our dearly bought 
freedom. 

The cavalry dash having- failed, that much of the general 
])ian was blotted out. The feints may have been understood; 
it is said a sergeant of the Charleston Grenadiers deserted 
<!uring the night of the 8th and gave the whole plan of the 
attack to General Prevost, so that he knew just where to 
strengthen his lines. The feints were effectually checked 
by the garrison on the left, twenty-eight of the Americans 
being- killed: while Dillon's column was stopped by the bat- 
teries near the river. This state of aitaiis allowed the wdiole 
of Alaitland's lorce to protect the Springhill redoubt and that 
part of the line which was most threatened. The Springhill 
redoubt, as has been stated, was occupied by the South Caro- 
lina regiment and a corps of dragoons. This circumstance 
may account for the fact, that while the three himclred and 
lifty Charleston militia occupied a most exposed position in 
the attacking column, only one man among- them was killed 
and but six wounded. The battery on the left of this redoubt 
was garrisoned b}^ grenadier.s and marines, 
'i'he attacking column now advanced boldly, under the corn- 
Far the glimmering tapers shed 
Faint light on the cowled head; 
And the censer burning swung 
Where, before the altar, hung 
The crimson banner, that with prayer 
Had been consecrated there. 
And the nuns' sweet hymn was heard the while. 
Sung low in the dim, mysterious ai;!o. 
■'Take thy banner! may it wave 
I'roudly o'er the good and brave; 
When the battle's distant wail 
iSreaks the Sabbath of our vale, 
Wlicn the cannon's music thrills 
To the hearts of those lone hills. 
When the spear in conflict shakes, 
And the strong lance shivering breaks. 

♦ * * * :s 

"Take thy banner! and if e'er 
Thou should'st press the soldier's bier 
.\nd the mufHed drum shall beat 
To the tread of mournful feet, 
Then the crimson flag shall be 
Martial cloak and shroud for thee." 
The warrior took that banner proud. 
And it was his martial cloak and shroud. 



THE black: ST. DOMINGO LEGION 79 

matid of D'Estaing and Lincoln, the Americans consisting of 
six hundred continental troops and three hundred and fifty 
Qiarleston militia, being on the left, while the centre and 
right wer<i made up of the French forces. They were met 
with so severe and steady a fire that the head of the column 
was soon thrown into confusion, lliey endured this lire for 
fifty-five minutes, returning it as best they could, although 
many of the men had no opportunity to fire at all. Two 
American standards and one French standard, were placed 
-on the British works, but their bearers were instantly killed. 
It being- found impossible to carry any part of the works, 
a general retreat was ordered. Of the six hundred conti- 
nental troops, more than one-third had fallen, and a1)Out one- 
fifth of the French. The Charleston militia had not sufl'ered, 
although they had bravely borne their part in the assault, 
and it had certainly been no fault of theirs if their brethren 
behind the embankments had not fired upon them. Count 
D'Estaing had received two wounds, one m the thigh, and be- 
ing unable to move, was saved by the young naval lieutenant 
Truguet. Ramsey gives the losses of the battle as follows; 
I^rench soldiers 760; officers 61 ; Americans 312; total 1133. 

As the army began its retreat, Lieutenant-colonel Maitland 
with the grenadiers and marines, Avho were incorporated with 
the grenadiers, charged its rear with the purpose of accom- 
plishing its annihilation. It was then that there occ'trrcd the 
most brilliant feat of the day, and one of the bravest ever 
performed by foreign troops in the American cause. In the 
army of D'Estaing was a legion of black and mulatto f reed- 
men, known as Fontages Legion, commanded by Vicount de 
Fontages, a brave and experienced officer. The strength oi 
this legion is given variously from six hundred to over eight 
hundred men. This legion met the fierce charge of Mait- 
land and saved the retreating army. 

In an official record prepared in Paris, now before me, arc 
these words : "This legion saved the army at Savannah by 
bravely covering its retreat. Among the blacks who rendered 
signal services at that time were: Andre, Beauvais, Rigaud, 
Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert, who latterly became generals 
under the convention, including Henri Christophe, the fu- 
ture king of Haiti." This quotation is taken from a paper 
secured bv the Honorable Richard Rush, our minister to 



So THK BLACK ST. DOMJNOO LF.GIOK 

Paris in 1849, ^"^ is preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society. Henri Christophe received a dangerous gunshot 
wound in Savannah. Balch says in speaking of Fontages at 
Savannah : "He commanded there a legion of mulattoes. ac- 
cording to my manuscript, of more than eight hundred men, 
and saved the army after the useless assault on the fortifica- 
tions, by bravely covering the retreat." 

It was this legion that formed the connecting link between 
the siege of Savannah and the wide development of republi- 
can liberty on the Western continent, which followed early 
in the present century. In order to show this connection and 
the sequences, it v^ill be necessary to sketch in brief the his- 
tor of this remarkable body of men, especially that of the 
])rominent individuals who di.stinguished themselves at Sa- 
vannah. 

In 1779 the French colony of Saint JDomingo was in a state 
of peace, the population then consisting of white slavehold- 
ers, mulatto and black freedmen (affranchis), and slaves. 
Count D'Estaing received orders to recruit men from Saint 
Uomingo for the auxiliary army ; and there being no question 
of color raised, received into the service a legion of colored 
freedmen. There had been for years a colored militia in Sain*^^ 
l.)omingo. and as early as 1716, the Marquis de Qiat.eau Mov- 
ant, then governor of the colony, made one Vincent the Cap- 
tain-general of all the colored militia in the vicinity of the 
Cape. This Captain Vincent died in 1780 at the reputed age 
of 120 years. He was certainly of great age, for he had been 
in the siege of Carthegenia in 1697, was taken prisoner, af- 
terv»'ards liberated by exchange and presented to Louis XIV, 
and fought in the German war under Villars. Aloreau :!e 
St. Mery, in his description of Vincent, incidentally mentions 
the Savannah expedition. He says: "1 saw him ( Vincent i 
the year preceding his death, recalling his ancient prowe-'..-> 
to the men of color who were enrolling themselves for the 
expedition to Savannah ; and showing in his descendants whcj 
were among the first to ofTer themselves, that he had trans- 
mitted his valor. Vincent, the good Captain Vincent, had a 
most pleasing countenance; and the contrast of his black 
skin with his white hair produced an effect that always com- 
manded respect." 

The Haylian historian. Enclus Robin, savs when the call 




Hutchinson Island. 



THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 8l 

for volunteers reached Saint Domingo: "eight hundred young 
freedmen, blacks and mulattoes, offered themselves to take 
part in the expedition;" that they went and "fought valiantly; 
and returned to Saint Domingo covered with glory." Madiou, 
another Haytian historian of the highest respectabilitv says: 
"A crowd of young men, black and colored, enlisted with tlie 
French troops and left for the continent They covered them- 
selves with glory in the siege of Savannah, under the orders 
of Count D'Estaing." 

What effect this experience had upon these volunteers may 
be inferred from their subsequent history. Robin says: 
"These men who contributed their mite toward American in- 
dependence, had still their mothers and sisters in slavery; 
and they themselves were subject to humiliating discrimina- 
tions. Should not France have expected from that very mo- 
ment, that they would soon use in their own cause, those very 
arms which they had learned so well to use in the interests of 
others?" Madiou says: "On their return to Saint Domingo 
they demanded for their brothers the enjoyment of political 
rights." Beauvais went to Europe and served in the army 
of France ; but returned to fight for liberty in Ilayti, and was 
Captain-general in 1791 ; Rigaud, Lambert and Christophc 
wrote their names — not in the sand. These are the men who 
dared to stir Saint Domingo, under whose infleunce Hayti 
became the first country of the New World, after the United 
States, to throw off European rule. The, connection between 
the siege of Savannah and the independence of Hayti is traced, 
both as to its spirit, and physically, through the black legion 
that on that occasion saved the American army. How this 
connection is traced to the republics of South America, I will 
allow a Haytian statesman and man of letters, honored both 
at home and abroad, to relate. I translate from a work pub- 
lished in Paris in 1885: 

"The illustrious Bolivar, liberator and founder of five re- 
publics in South America, undertook in 181 1 his great work of 
shaking off the yoke of Spain, and of securing the independ- 
ence of those immense countries which swelled the pride of 
the catholic crown — but failed. Stripped of all resources he 
took flight and repaired to Jamaica, where he implored in vain 
of the governor of that island, the help of England. Almost 
in despair, and without means, he resolved to visit Hayti, and 



THE P.I.ACK ST. DOMIMGO LEGION 



..] to the generosity of the black Republic for the hd^ 
appeal to the S^V^^^^ ^.^ , ^ ^f liberation which 

necessary to again "j^^^ f ^^ J^^^' "ever was there a more 
had gone to pieces in his ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ representative 

i^SoaSish colonial power, had treated him with so much m- 

;;i:^::^ii::;di:^^d:nlwouhinsu,^^ 

hazardous as the one he represented r 1 ull of doubt he came . 
hilt Petion o-ave him a most cordial welcome. 

TaJin^ the precautions that a legitimate sentiment ot pru- 
dence diifated at that delicate moment of our national exist- 
nce the 'ov'ern nent of Port-au-Prince put to the disposi ion 
ofthe erS of Bovaca and Carabobo, all the elements ot -..hic 
he had necd-and Bolivar needed everything. Men, arms and 
" wel generously given him. Petion clid -t wish to 
act ooenly for fear of compromising himseli x\ith the bpanisn 
to.ZZl it was arranged that the men should ei.bark se- 
cretly as volunteers; and that no mention of Havtt should 
ever ^be made in any ofiftcial act of Venezuela. 

Boivar's first expedition with his Haytian volunteers was 
1 failure- returning to the island he procured reinforcements 
and mad^ a second descent which was brilliantly successful 
Haytian arms, money and men turned Bolivars d'saster^ to 
victorv; and the spirit of Western liberty marched on to the 
redemption of South America. The liberation of Mexico and 
all Central America, followed as a matter of course; and the 
<rround was thus cleared for the practical application of that 
Continentalism enunciated in the Monroe doctrine 

The black men of the Antilles who fought in the siege ot 
Savannah, enjov unquestionably the proud historical distinc- 
tion of being the physical conductors that bore a^A'ay from 
our altars the sacred fire of liberty to rekindle it in their own 
land- and also of becoming the humble but important hnk 
that served to unite the Two Americas in the bond of enlight- 

.ened independence. _^ ^t o a 

T. G. STEWARD, U. S. A. 
]sfote —In the preparation of the above paper I have been 
greatly assisted by the Honorable L. J. Janvier, Charge d 



THE Br.ACK: ST. DOMINGO T.EGION 83 

affairs d' Haiti, in London; by Rigiit Reverend James Theo- 
dore Holly, bishop of Hayti, and by Messrs. Charles and 
Frank Rudolph Steward of Harvard University. To all of 
these gentlemen my thanks are here expressed. T. G. S. 

Paper read at the session of the Negro Academy, Washing- 
ton, D. C, 1898. 



B. 

EXTRACTS FROM CHAPTER XVI "NEGRO TROOPS 
IN THE REBELLION"— WILLIAMS. 

Adjutant-General Thomas in a letter to Senator Wilson, 
May 30, 1864, says: "E.xperience proves that- they manage 
heavy guns very well. Their lighting qualities have also 
been fully tested a number of times, and I am yet to hear of 
the first case where they did not fully stand up to their work." 

Major-General James G. Blunt writing of the battle of 
Honey Springs, Arkansas, said of Negro troops : '"The Ne- 
groes (First Colored Regiment) were too much for the enemy, 
and let me here say that I never saw such fighting as was done 
by that Negro regiment. They fought like veterans, with a 
coolness and valor that is unsurpassed. They preserved their 
line perfect throughout the whole engagement, and although 
in the hottest of the fight, they never once faltered. Too much 
praise cannot be awarded them for their gallantry. The ques- 
tion that Negroes will fight is settled ; besides, they make bet- 
ter soldiers in every respect than any troops I have ever had 
under my command." 

General Thomas J. Morgan, speaking of the courage of 
Negro troops in the battle of Nashville, and its effect upon 
Major-General George H. Thomas, says : "Those who fell 
nearest the enemy's works weie colored. General Thomas 
spoke ver}'^ feelingly of the sight which met his eye as he 
rode over the field, and he confessed that the Negro had fully 
vindicated his bravery, and wiped from his mind the last ves- 
tige of prejudice and doubt." 



84 MHK KLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR 



CHAPTER III. 



THE BLACK REGULARS OF THE ARMY OF INVASION IN 
THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 

Organization of Negro Regiments in the Regular Army — First Move in 
the War — Chickamauga and Tampa — Note. 

Altog-ether the colored soldiers in the Civil War took pari 
and sustained casualties in two hundred and fifty-one different 
engagements and came out of the prolonged conflict with their 
character so well established that up to the present hour they 
have been able to hold an important place in the Regular Army 
of the United States. No regiment of colored troops in the ser- 
vice was more renowned at the close of the war or has secured 
a more advantageous position in the history of that period than 
the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry. Re- 
cruited among the free colored people of the North, many of 
them coming from Ohio, it was remarkable for the intelligence 
and character of its men, and for the high purpose and noble 
bearing of its officers. Being granted but half the pay per 
month given to white soldiers, the regiment to a man, for eigh- 
teen months refused to receive one cent from the Government. 
This was a spectacle that the country could not longer stand. 
One thousand volunteers fighting the country's battles without 
any compensation rather than submit to a discrimination fatal 
to their manhood, aroused such a sentiment that Congress was 
compelled to put them on the pay-roll on equal footing with 
all other soldiers. By them the question of the black soldiers 
pay and rations was settled m the Armv of the United States 



THE r.I.ACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 85 

for all time. Every soldier, indeed every man in the army, ex- 
cept the chaplain, now draws the pay of his grade without re- 
gard to color, hair or race. By the time these lines reach the 
public eye it is to be hoped that even the chaplain will be lifted 
from his exceptional position and given the pay belonging to 
his rank as captain. 

(February 2, 1901, the bill became a law giving chaplains 
the full pay of their grade.) 

More than 185,000 blacks, all told, served in the army of the 
Union during the War of the Rebellion, and the losses from 
their ranks of men killed in battle were as heavy as from the 
white troops. Their bravery was everywhere recognized, and 
in the short time in which they were employed, several rose to 
commissions. 

Perhaps the most notable act performed by a colored Amer- 
ican during the war was the capture and delivery to the United 
States forces of the rebel steamer Planter, by Robert Smalls, of 
Charleston. Smalls was employed as pilot on the Planter, a 
rebel transport, and was entirely familiar with the harbors and 
inlets, of which there are many, on the South Atlantic coast. 
On May 13, 1862, the Planter came to her wharf in Charleston, 
and at night all the white officers went ashore, leaving a col- 
ored crew of eight men on board in charge of Smalls. Smalls 
hastily got his wife and three children on board, and at 2 
o'clock on the morning of the 14th steamed out into the harbor, 
passing the Confederate forts by giving the proper signals, and 
when fairly out of reach, as daylight came, he ran up the Stars 
and Stripes and headed his course directly toward the Union 
fleet, into whose hands he soon surrendered himself and his 
ship. The act caused much favorable comment and Robert 
Smalls became quite a hero. His subsequent career has been in 
keeping with the high promise indicated by this bold dash for 



86 THE HI.ACK RHGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAK WAR 

liberty, and his name has received additional histre from gal- 
lant services performed in the war after, and in positions of 
distino-uished honor and responsibility in civil life. The Plan- 
ter, after being accepted by the United States, became a des- 
patch boat, and Smalls demonstrating by skill and bravery his 
fitness for the position, was finally, as an act of imperative jus- 
tice, made her commander. 

With the close of the Revolutionary War the prejudice 
against a standing army was so great that the army was re- 
duced to scarce six hundred men, and the Negro as a soldier 
dropped out of existence. When the War of 1812 closed sen- 
timent with regard to the army had made but little ad- 
vancement, and consequently no place in the service was left 
for Negro soldiers. In the navy the Negro still lingered, do- 
ing service in the lower grades, and keeping up the succession 
from the black heroes of 76 and 1812. When the War of the 
Rebellion closed the country had advanced so far as to see both 
the necessity of a standing army, and the fitness of the Negro 
to form a part of the army; and from this position it has never 
receded, and if the lessons of the Cuban campaign are rightly 
heeded, it is not likely to recede therefrom. The value of the 
Regular Army and of the Black Regular were both proven to 
an absolute demonstration in that thin line of blue that com- 
pelled the surrender of Santiago. 

In July, 1866, Congress passed an act adding eight new regi- 
ments of infantry and four of calvary to the nineteen regiments 
of infantry and six of calvary of which those arms of the Regu- 
lar Army were at that time composed, thus making the per- 
manent establishment to consist of five regiments of artillery. 
twenty-seven of infantry, and ten of cavalry. Of the eight 
new infantry regiments to be formed, four were to be composed 
of colored men ; and of the four proposed for the calvary arm, 



THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 87 

two were to be of colored men. The President was empowered 
by the act also to ai>point a chaplain for each of the six regi- 
ments of colored troops. Under this law the Ninth and Tenth 
Cavalry Regiments were organized. 

In 1869 the infantry suffered further reduction, and the four 
colored regiments organized under the law of 1866, numbered 
respectively the 38th, 39th, 40th and 41st, were consolidated 
into two regiments, and numbered the 24th and 25th — the 
38th and 41st becoming the former, and the 39th and 40th the 
latter. Previous to this consolidation the numbers between 
the old 19th and the 38th, wdiich was the lowest number borne 
by the new colored regiments, were filled in by dividing the 
old three batallion regiments in the service, and making of the 
second and third batallions of these regiments new regiments. 
The whole infantry arm, by the law of 1869, was compressed 
into twenty-five regiments, and in that condition the army re- 
mains to the present, to wit :='= Ten regiments of cavalry, five 
of artillery and twent3^-five of infantry. 

The number of men in a company and the number of com- 
panies in a regiment have varied greatly within the past few 
months. Just previous to the breaking out of the war a regi- 
ment of infantry consisted of eight companies of about sixty 
men each, and two skeletonized companies and the band — the 
whole organization carrying about five hundred men; now a 
regiment of-infantry consists of twelve companies of 106 men 
each and with the non-commissioned staff numbers twelve hun- 
d.red and seventy-four men. 

Since 1869, or for a period of thirty years, the colored Amer- 
ican has been represented in the Regular Army by these four 
regiments and during this time these reigments have borne 



*The army has been reorganized since. See Register. 



88 THE black; RF.GULAKS IX THE SPAXISH-AMERICAN WAR 

more than their proportionate share in hard frontier service, 
inchiding- all sorts of Indian campaigning and much severe 
guard and fatigue duty. The men have conducted themselves 
so worthily as to receive from the highest military authority 
the credit of being among our best troops. General Miles and 
General Merritt,* with others who were active leaders in the 
Indian w-ars of the West, have been unstinting in their praise 
of the valor and skill of colored soldiers. They proved them- 
selves not only good individual fighters, but in some instances 
non-commissioned officers exhibited marked coolness and abil- 
ity in command.'^ 

From 1869 to the beginning of the Hispano-American War 
there were in the Regular Army at some time, as commissioned 
officers, the following colored men, all from West Point, all 
serving with the cavalry, and none rising higher than first- 
lieutenant, viz : John H. Alexander, H. O. Flipper and Charles 
Young. H. O. Flipper was dismissed ; Alexander died, and 
Young became major in the volunteer service, and was placed 
in command of the Ninth Battalion of Ohio Volunteers, dis- 
charging the duties of his position in such a manner as to com- 
mand general -satisfaction from his superior officers.*''" 

These colored men while cadets at W^est Point endured hard- 

'*'"My experience in this direction since the war is beyond that of 
any ofTicer of my rank in the army. For ten years I had the honor of 
being lieutenant-colonel of the Ninth Cavalry, and during most of that 
service I commanded garrisons composed in part of the Ninth Cavalry 
and other organizations of cavalry and infantry. I have always found 
the colored race represented in the army obedient, intelligent and zealous 
in the discharge of duty, brave in battle, easily disciplined, and most efiFi- 
cicnt in the care of their horses, arms and equipments. The non-com- 
missioned officers have habitually shown the qualities for control in their 
position which marked them as faithful and sensible in the discharge of 
theii JLutics. I take pleasure in bearing witness as above in the interest 
of the race you represent." WESLEY MERRITT. 



'See chapter on Colored Officers. 



•^ Young is now captain in the Ninth Cavalry. — T. G. S. 



THE BLACK REGULARS IX THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 89 

ships disgraceful to their country, and when entering the army 
were not given that cordial welcome by their brother officers, 
becoming an "officer and gentleman," both to give and to re- 
ceive. Of course there were some noble exceptions, and this 
class of officers seems to be steadily increasing, so that now it 
is no longer necessary, even on the ground of expediency, to 
strive to adhere to the rule of only white men for army offi- 
cers. Of Alexander and Young it can be said they have ac- 
quitted themselves well, the former enjoying the confidence and 
esteem of his associates up to the time of his early death — an 
event which caused deep regret — and the latter so impressing 
the Governor of his State and the President as to secure for 
himself the responsible position which he, at the time of this 
wiiting, so worthily fills. Besides these line officers, five col- 
ored chaplains have been appointed, all of whom have served 
successfully, one, however, being dismissed by court-martial 
after many years of really meritorious service, an event to be 
regretted, but by no means without parallel. 

Brief sketches of the history of these four colored regiments, 
as well as of the others, have been recently made by members of 
them and published in the Journal of the Military Service 
Institution and subsequently in a large and beautiful volume 
edited by Brigadier-General Theo. F. Rodenbough and Major 
William L. Haskin, published by the Institution and designated 
"The Army of the United States," a most valuable book of 
reference. From the sketches contained therein the following 
summary is given. 

The Twenty-fourth Infantry was organized, as we have seen, 
from the 38th and 41st Regiments, these two regiments being 
at the time distributed in New Mexico. Louisiana and Texas, 
and the regiment remained in Texas from the time of its or- 
ganization in 1869 until 1880. Its first Lieutenant-Colonel was 



90 THE J;LACK regulars in the SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

William R. Shafter. It was from this regiment and the 
Tenth Cavalry that the escort of Paymaster Wham was se- 
lected which made so brave a stand against a band of rob- 
bers that attacked the paymaster that several of them were 
given medals for distinguislied gallantry, and others certifi- 
cates of merit. The Twenty-fifth Infantry was organized in 
New Orleans out of the 39th, that was brought from North 
Carolina for that purpose, and the 40th, that was then in 
Louisiana. It was organized during the month of April, 1869,. 
and early in 1870 moved to Texas, where it remained ten years. 
In 1880 it moved to the Department of Dakota and remained, 
in the Northwest until it took the road for the Cuban war. 

The Ninth Cavalry was organized in New Orleans during 
the winter of 1866-67. ^^s first Colonel was Edward Hatch and 
its first Lieutenant-Colonel W^esley Merritt. From 1867 to 
1890 it was in almost constant Indian warfare, distinguishing 
itself by daring and hardihood. From 1890 to the opening 
of the Cuban war it remained in L^tah and Nebraska, engaging 
in but one important campaign, that against hostile Sioux dur- 
ing the winter of 1890-91, in which, says the historian: 'The 
regiment was the first in the field, in November, and the last to 
leave, late in the following March, after spending the winter, 
the latter part of which was terrible in its severity, under can- 
vas." 

'] he Tenth Calvary was organized under the same law as 
was the Ninth, and at the same time. Its place of rendezvous 
was Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and its first Colonel, Benjamin 
H. Grierson. Iliis regiment was the backbone of the Geron- 
imo campaign force, and it finally succeeded in the capture of 
that wily warrior. The regiment remained in the Southwest 
until 1893, wl^en it moved to Montana, and remained there un- 
til ordered to Chickamauga for the war. 



THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 9I 

These four regiments were finely officered, well drilled and 
well experienced in camp and field, particularly the cavalry 
regiments, and it was of them that General Merritt said: "I 
have always found them hrave in battle." With such train- 
ing and experience they were well fitted to take their place in 
that selected host of fighting men which afterwards became 
the Fifth Army Corps, placed under command of Major-Gen- 
eral William R. Shafter, the first Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
Twenty-fourth Infantry. 

When the news of the blowing up of our great battleship 
Maine, in the harbor of Havana, with the almost total loss of 
her crew, flashed over the country, carrying sadness to hun- 
dreds of homes, and arousing feelings of deepest indignation 
whether justly or unjustly, it was easy to predict that we 
should soon be involved in war with Spain. The Cuban ques- 
tion, already chronic, had by speeches of Senators Thurston 
and Proctor been brought to such a stage of aggravation that 
it needed only an incident to set the war element in motion. 
That incident was furnished by the destruction of the Maine. 
Thenceforth there was no power in the land sufficient to curb 
the rapidly swelling tide of popular hate, which manifested it- 
self in the un-Christian but truly significant mottoes: "'Remem- 
ber the Maine,"' "Avenge the Maine," and "To hell with 
Spain." These were the outbreathings of popular fury, and 
the}^ represented a 'spirit quite like that of the mob, which was 
not to be yielded to implicitly, but which could n()t he directly 
opposed. 

The President did all in his powei to stay this element of 
our population and to lead the country to a more befitting at- 
titude. He and his advisers argued that Spain was to be re- 
sisted, and fought if necessary, not on account of the Maine, 
not in the spirit of revenge, but in the interest of humanity 



()2 THE black: regulars in the SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

and upon principles sanctioned even by our holy religion. On 
behalf of the starving reconcentrados, and in aid of the noble 
Cuban patriot, we might justly arm and equip ourselves for 
the purpose of driving Spanish rule from the Western Hemis- 
phere. 

This view appealed to all lovers of freedom, to all true 
patriots, and to the Christian and philanthropist. It also af- 
forded a superb opportunity for the old leaders in the South, 
who were not entirely relieved from the taint of secession, to 
come out and reconsecrate themselves to the country and her 
flag. Hence, Southern statesmen, who were utterly opposed 
to Negroes or colored men having any share in ruling at home, 
became very enthusiastic over the aspirations of the colored 
Cuban patriots and soldiers. The supporters, followers, and in 
a sense, devotees of Maceo and Gomez, were worthy of our 
aid. The same men, actuated by the same principles, in the 
Carolina?, in Louisiana or in Mississippi, would have been pro- 
nounced by the same authorities worthy of death. 

The nation was, however, led into war simply to liberate 
Cuba from the iniquitous and cruel yoke of Spain, and to save 
thousands of impoverished Cubans from death by starvation. 
Great care was taken not to recognize the Cuban government 
in any form, and it seemed to be understood that we were to 
do the fighting both with our navy and our army, the Cubans 
being invited to co-operate with us, rather than that we should 
co-operate with them. We were to be the liberators and sav- 
iors of a people crushed to the very gates of death. Such was 
the platform upon which our nation stood before the world 
when the fij-st orders went forth for the mobilization of its 
forces for war. It was a position worthy our history and char- 
acter and gave to our national flag a prouder meaning than 
ever. Its character as the emblem of freedom shone out with 
awe-inspiring brilliancy amid the concourse of nations. 



THE RLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN AVAR 93 

While there was such a clamor for war in the newspapers 
and in the public speeches of statesmen, both in and out of Con- 
gress, it is remarkable that the utmost serenity prevailed in the 
arm3^ Officers and men were ready to fig-ht if the stern neces- 
sity came, but they were not so eager for the death-game as 
were the numerous editors whose papers were getting out ex- 
tras every lialf-hour. It was argued by the officers of rank 
that the Maine incident added nothing whatever to the Cuban 
question ; that it did not involve the Spanish Government ; that 
the whole subject might well be left to arbitration, and 
full respect should be given to Spain's disclaimer. It was also 
held that to rush into a war in order to prevent a few people 
from starving, might not relieve them, and at the same time 
would certainly cost the lives of many innocent men. Spaiii 
was revising her policy, and the benevolence of the Uniteci 
States would soon bring bread to the door of every needy 
Cuban. Such remarks and argiunents as these were used by 
men who had fought through one war and were ready to fight 
through another if they must; but who were willing to go to 
any reasonable length to prevent it ; and yet the men who 
used such arguments beforehand and manifested such a shrink- 
ing from carnage, are among- those to whom the short Spanish 
War brought distinction and promotion. To their honor be 
it said that the war which gave them fresh laurels was in no 
sense brought about through their instigation. 

As chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, stationed with the 
headquarters of the regiment at Fort Missoula, \\here we had 
been for ten years, the call for the war met me in the midst 
of my preparations for Easter service. One young man, then 
Private Thomas C. Butler, who was practicing a difficult solo 
for the occasion, before the year closed became a Second Lieu- 
tenant, having distinguished himself in battle; the janitor, who 



94 



Tlir. F.LACIC REGULARS IN THE SPANISII-AMERTCAN WAR 



cared lor my .singing- books, and who was my chief school 
teacher. Private French Payne, always polite and everywhero 
efficient, met his death from a Spanish bullet while on the re- 
serve before bloody El Caney. 

It was on a Ijright day during the latter part of ]\Iarch and 
near the close of the day as I was looking" out of the front win- 
dow of my quarters that I saw the trumpeter of the guard come 
out of the Adjutant's office with a dispatch in his hand and 
start on a brisk run toward the quarters of the Commanding- 
Officer. I immediately divined what was in the wind, but kept 
quiet. In a few minutes "officers' call" was sounded, and all 
the officers of the post hastened to the administration building 
to learn the news. 

When all were assembled the Commanding Officer desired to 
know (if each company officer how much time he would need to 
have his company ready to move from the post to go to a per- 
manet station elsewhere, and from all officers how much time 
they would require to have their families ready to quit the sta- 
tion. The answers generally were that all could be ready with- 
in a week. It was finally agreed, however, to ask for ten days. 

Immediately the work of preparation began, although none 
knew where the regiment was to go. At this time the order, 
so far as it was understood at the garrison, was, that two com- 
panies were to go to Key West, Florida, and the other com- 
panies of tlie regiment to Dry Tortugas. One officer, Lieuten- 
ant V. A. Caldell, early saw through the haze and said: "It 
means that we w"ill all eventually land in Cuba." While we 
were packing, rumors flew through the garrison, as indeed 
through the country, thick and fast, and our destination was 
changed three or four times a day. One hour we would be go- 
ing to Key West, the next to St. Augustine, the next to Tor- 
tugas. In this confusion I asked an old frontier officer where 



THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANlSli-AMERICAN" WAR 95 

he thought we would really go. Regarding himself as an in- 
dicator and always capable of seeing the amusing side of a 
subject, he replied : "I p'int toward Texas." Such was the 
state of uncertainty as to destination, and yet all the time the 
greatest activity prevailed in making ready for departure. 
Finally definite orders came that we were to store our furniture 
in the large gymnasium hall at the post and prepare to go in 
camp at Chickamauga Park, Georgia. 

Our regiment was at the time stationed as follows: Head- 
quarters, four companies and the band at Fort Missoula; 
two companies at Fort Harrison, near Helena, and two com- 
panies at Fort Assinniboine, all in Montana. The arrange- 
ments contemplated moving the regiment in two sections, one 
composed of the Missoula troops to go over the Northern 
Pacific Railroad, the other of the Fort Harrison and Fort 
Assinniboine troops to go over the Great Northern Railroad, 
all to arrive in St. Paul about the same time. 

On the loth of April, Easter Sunday, the battalion at Fort 
Missoula marched out of post quite early i4i the morning, and 
at Bitter Root Station took the cars for their long journey. 
Ofiicers and men were all furnished sleeping accommodations 
on the train. Arriving in the city of Missoula, for the grati- 
fication of the citizens and perhaps to avoid strain on the 
bridge crossing the Missoula River, the men were disem- 
barked from the train and marched through the principal 
streets to the depot, the citizens generally turning out to see 
them off. Many were the compliments paid officers and men 
by the good people of Missoula, none perhaps more pleasing 
than that furnished by a written testimonial to the regret ex- 
perienced at the departure of the regiment, signed by all the 
ministers of the city. 

As the Twenty-fifth was the first regiment to move in the 



96 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

preparation for war. its progress from Montana to Chicka- 
maug-a was a marked event, attracting the attention of both 
tlie daily and illustrated press. All along the route they were 
greeted with enthusiastic crowds, who fully believed the was 
with Spain had begun. In St. Paul, in Chicago, in Terra 
Haute, in Nashville, and in Chattanooga the crowds assembled 
to greet the black regulars who w'ere first to bear forward the 
Starr}- Banner of Union and Freedom against a foreign foe. 
What could be more significant, or more fitting, than that these 
black soldiers, drilled up to the highest standard of modern 
warfare, cool, brave and confident, themselves a proof o; 
American liberty, should be called first to the front in a war 
against oppression? Their martial tread and fearless bearing 
proclaimed what the better genius of our great government 
meant for all men dwelling beneath the protection of its hon- 
ored flag. 

As the Twenty-fifth Infantry was the first regiment to leave 
its station, so six companies of it were first to go into camp 
on the historic grounds of Chickamauga. Two companies were 
separated from the regiment at Chattanooga and forwarded 
to Key West where they took station under the command of 
Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett. The remaining six com- 
panies, under command of Colonel A. S. Burt, were conducted 
by General Boynton to a choice spot on the grounds, where 
they pitched camp, their tents being the first erected in that 
mobilization of troops which preceded the Cuban invasion, and 
theirs being really the first camp of the war. 

Soon came the Ninth Cavalry, the Tenth Cavalry and tlie 
Twenty-fourth Infantry. While the.se were assembling there 
arrived on the ground aJso many white regiments, cavalry, ar- 
tillery and infantry, and it was pleasing to see the fraternity 
that prevailed among black and white regulars. This was es- 



THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPAXISH-AMKRICAN WAR gj 

pecjally noticeable between the Twenty-fifth and Twelfth. In 
brigading the regiments no attention whatever was paid to the 
race or color of the men. The black infantry regiments were 
placed in tw-o brigades, and the black cavalry likewise, and they 
can be followed through the fortunes of the war in the offi- 
cial records by their regimental numbers. During their stay 
in Chickamauga. and at Key West and Tampa, the Southern 
newspapers indulged in considerable malicious abuse of col- 
ored soldiers, and some people of this section made complaints 
of their conduct, but the previous good character of the regi- 
ments and the violent tone of the accusations, taken together 
with the well-know^n prejudices of the Southern people, pre- 
vented their complaints from having very great weight. The 
black soldiers held their place in the army chosen for the in- 
vasion of Cuba, and for that purpose were soon ordered to as- 
semble in Tampa. 

From the loth of April, when the war movement began with 
the march of the Twenty-fifth Infantry out of its Montana sta- 
tions, until June 14th. when the Army of Invasion cleared 
Tampa for Cuba — not quite two months — the whole energy 
of the War Department had been employed in preparing the 
army for the work before it. The beginning of the war is 
officially given as April 21st, from which time onward it wslSt 
declared a state of war existed between Spain and the United 
States, but warlike movements on our side were begun fully 
ten days earlier, and begun with a grim definiteness that pre- 
saged much more than a practice march or spring manoeuver. 

After arriving at Chickamauga all heavy baggage was ship- 
ped away for storage, and all officers and men were required to 
re^luce their field equipage to the minimum ; the object being 
to have the least possible amount of luggage, in order that 
the greatest possible amount of fighting material might be car- 

7 



qS THE MLACK REGULARS ] X THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

j-ied. Even with all this preparation going on some officers 
were indulging the hope that the troops might remain in camps, 
perfecting themselves in drill, until September, or October, be- 
fore they should be called upon to embark for Cuba. Thi^, 
however, was not to be, and it is perhaps well that it was not, 
as the suffering and mortality in the home camps were almost 
equal to that endured by the troops in Cuba. The suffering 
at home, also, seemed more disheartening, because it appeared 
to be useless, and could not be charged to any important 
changes in conditions or climate. It was perhaps in the inter- 
est of humanity that this war,waged for humanity's sake, should 
liave been pushed forward from its first step to its last, with the 
greatest jx)ssible dispatch, and that just enough men on our 
side were sent to the front, and no more. It is still a good 
paying that all is well that ends well. 

The Chickamauga and Chattanoog-a National Military Park, 
the place wliere our troops assembled on their march to Cuba, 
beautiful by nature, especially in the full season of spring when 
the black soldiers arrived there, and adorned also by art, has, 
next to Gettysburg, the most prominent place among the his- 
toric battle-fields of the Civil War. As a park it was estab- 
lished by an act of Congress approved August 19. 1890. and 
contains seven thousand acres of rolling land, partly cleared 
and partly covered with oak and pine timber. Beautiful broad 
roads wind their way to all parts of the ground, along which 
are placed large tablets recording the events of those dreadful 
davs in the autumn of 1863. when Americans faced Americans 
in bloody, determined strife. .Monuments, judiciously placed, 
speak with a mute eloquence to the passer-by and tell of the 
valor displayed by some regiment or battery, or point to the 
spot where some lofty l<ero gave up his life. The whole park 
is a monument, however, and its definite purpose is to pre- 



THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 99 

serve and suitably mark "for historical and professional mili- 
tary study the fields of some of the m.ost i-emarkable manoe- 
uvres and most brilliant fighting- in the War of the Rebellion." 
The battles conmiemorateil by this great park are those ot 
Chickamauga. fought on September 19-20, and the battles 
around Chattanooga, November 23-25, 1863. The battle of 
Chickamauga was fought by the Army of the Cumberland, 
commanded by Major-General W. S. Rosecrans. on the Union 
side, and the Army of Tennessee, commanded by General 
Braxton Bragg, on the side of the Confederates. The total ef- 
fective strength of the Union forces in this battle was little 
less than 60,000 men, that of the Confederates about 70,000. 
The total Union loss was 16,179 men, a number about equal 
to the army led by Shafter against Santiago. Of the number 
reported as lost, 1,656 were killed, or as many as were lost in 
killed, wounded and missing in the Cuban campaign. The 
Confederate losses were 17,804, 2.389 being killed, making on 
both sides a total killed of 4.045, equivalent to the entire vot- 
ing population of a city of over twenty thousand inhabitants. 
General Grant, who commanded the Union forces in the battles 
around Chattanooga, thus sums up the results : "In this battle 
the Union army numbered in round figures about 60.000 men ; 
we lost 752 killed, 4,713 wounded and 350 captured or miss- 
ing. The rebel loss was much greater in the aggregate, as we 
captured and sent North to be rationed there over 6,100 
prisoners. Forty pieces of artillery, over seven thousand stand 
of small arms, many caissons, artillery wagons and baggage 
wagons fell into our hands. The probabilities are that our 
loss in killed was the heavier as we were the attacking party. 
The enemy rei>orted his loss in killed at 361. but as he re- 
ported his missing at 4,146, while we held over 6,000 of them 
as prisoners, and there must have been hundreds, if not thous- 



lOO THE I'J.M.K REGULARS IN TH K SPANISH-A.M KRICAN WAR 

nnds, who de-erted, but little reliance can be placed upon this 
repjort." 

In the battle of Chickamauga, when "four-fifths of the Union 
Army had crumbled into wild confusion," and Roseci-ans was 
intent only on saving the fragments, General Thomas, who had 
commanded the Federal left during the two days' conflict, and 
had borne the brunt of the fight, still held his iX)sition. To 
him (General James A. Garfield reported. General Gordon 
Granger, Avithout orders, brought up the reserves, and Thoma>, 
replacing his lines, held the ground until nightfall, when he 
was joined by Sheridan. Bragg w'on and held the field, but 
Thomas effectually blocked his way to Chattanooga, securing 
to himself immediately the title of the "Rock of Cliicka- 
mauga." His w'onderful resolution stayed the tide of a vic- 
tory dearly bought and actually won, and prevented the victors 
from grasping the object for which they had fought. In honm- 
of this stubbborn valor, and in recognition of this high ex- 
pression of American tenacity, the camp established in Chicka- 
mauga Park by the assembling army was called Camp George 
1 1. Thomas. 

The sta}- of the colored regulars at Camp George li. Thomas 
was short, but it was long enough for certain newspapers of 
Chattanoogji to give expression to their dislike to negro troops 
in general and to tho.se in their proximity especially. The 
Washington Post, also, ever faithful to its unsavory trust, lent 
its influence to this work of defamation. The leading jjapers. 
however, both of Chattanooga and the South generally, spoke 
i)U{ in rather conciliatory and patronizing tones, and 'nought to 
restrain the pe<.^ple of their section from compromising their 
brilliant display of patriotism by contemptuous flings at the 
nation's true and tried soldiers. 

The 24th Infantry and the 9th Cavalry soon left for Tampa, 



THE TA.XCK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR lOI 

Florida, whither they were followed by the loth Cavalry and 
the 25th Infantry, thus bringing the entire colored element 
of the army together to prepare for embarkation. The work 
done at Tampa is thus described officially by Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Dag-gett in general orders addressed to the 25th Infantry, 
which he at that time commanded. On Augu>t nth, with 
headquarters near Santiago, after the great battles had been 
fought and won, he thus reviewed the work of the regiment: 
"Gathered from three different stations, many of you strang- 
ers to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time 
in more than twenty-eight years, on ]\Tay 7, 1898, at Tampa, 
Florida. There you endeavored to solidify and prepare your- 
selves, as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the 
work that appeared to be before you." What is here said of 
the 25th might have been said with equal propriety of all the 
regular troops assembled at Tampa. 

In the meantime events v.-ere ripening with great rapidity. 
The historic ''first gun" had been fired, and the United States 
made the first naval capture of the war on April 22, the coast 
trader Buena Ventura having surrendered to the American 
gunboat Nashville. On the same day the blockade of Cuban 
poTts was declared and on the day following a call was issued 
for 125,000 volunteers. On May 20th the news that a Spanish 
fleet under command of Admiral Cervera had arrived at San- 
tiago was officially confirmed, and a speedy movement to Cuba 
was determined upon. 

Almost the entire Regular x^rmy with several volunteer 
regiments were organized into an Army of Invasion and placed 
under the command of Major-General W. R. Shafter v.-ith or- 
ders to prepare immediately for embarkation, and on the 7th 
and loth of June this army went on board the transports. For 
seven days the troops lay cooped up on the vessels awaiting 



I02 THE TLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH -AMERICAN WAR 

orders to sail, a rumor having- gained circulation that certain 
Spanish gunboats were hovering around in Cuban waters 
awaiting to swoop down upon the crowded transports. While 
the Army of Invasion was sweltering- in the ships lying at 
anclior oft' Port Tampa, a small body of American marines 
made a landing at Guantanamo, and on June 12th fought the 
first battle l)etween Americans and Spaniards on Cuban soil. 
In this first battle four Americans were killed. The next day, 
June 13th. General Shafter's army containing the four col- 
ored regiments, excepting those left behind to guard property, 
sailed for Cuba.* 

The whole number of men and officers in the expedition, in- 
cluding those that came on transports from Mobile, amounted 
to about seventeen thousand men, loaded on twenty-seven 
transports. The colored regiments were assigned to brigades 
as follows : The Ninth Cavalry was joined with the Third and 
Sixth Cavalry and placed under command of Colonel Carrol ; 
the Tenth Cavalry was joined with the Rough Riders and First 
Regular Cavalry and fell under the command of General 
Young; the Twenty-fourth Infantry was joined with the Ninth 
and Thirteenth Infantry and the brigade placed under com- 
mand of Colonel Worth and assigned to the division com- 
manded by General Kent, who, until his promotion as Briga- 
dier-General of Volunteers, had been Colonel of the Twenty- 
fourth ; the Twenty-fifth Infantry was joined with the Fir.-t 
and Fourth Infantry and the brigade placed under command of 
Colonel Evans Miles, who had formerly been Major of the 
Twenty-fifth. All of the colored regiments were thus happily 
placed so that they should be in ])leasant soldierly comi>etition 



♦The colored regulars were embarked on the following named ships: 
The 9th Cavalry on the Miami, in company with the 6th Infantry; the lOth 
Cavalry on the Leona, in company with the ist Cavalr>'; the 24th Infantry 
on the City of Washington, in company with one battalion of the 21st In- 
fantry; the -sth infantry on board the Concho, in company with the 4th 
Infantry. 



THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AM ERICAK WAR I03 

with the very best troops the country ever put in the field, and 
this arrangement at the start proves how strongly the black 
rearilar had entrenched himself in the confidence of our great 
commanders. 

Thus sailed from Port Tampa the major part of our little 
army of trained and seasoned soldiers, representative of the 
skill and daring of the nation.* In physique, almost every 
man was an athlete, and while but few had seen actual war be- 
yond an occasional skirmish with Indians, all excepting the 
few volunteers, had passed through a long process of training 
in the various details of marching, camping and fighting in 
their annual exercises in minor tactics. For the first time in 
history the nation is going abroad, by its army, to occupy the 
territory of a foreign foe. in a contest with a trans-Atlantic 
power. The unsuccessful invasions of Canada during the 
Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 can hardly be brought 
in comparison with this movement over sea. The departure 
of Decatur with his nine ships of war to the Barbary States 
had in view only the establishment of proper civil relations 
between those petty, half-civilized countries and the United' 
States. The sailing of General Shafter's amiy was only ona 
movement in a comprehensive war against the Kingdom of 
Spain. More than a month earlier Commodore Dewey, acting 
under orders, had destroyed a fleet of eleven war ships in the 
Philippines. The purpose of the war was to relieve the Cu- 
bans from an inhumane warfare with their mother country, 
and to restore to that unhappy island a stable government in 
harmony with the ideas of liberty and justice. 

Up to the breaking out of the Spanish War the American 
policy with respect to Europe had been one of isolation. Some 
efforts had been made to consolidate the sentiment of the West- 



♦See Note, at the close of this chapter. 



104 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR 

crn world, but it had never been successful. The fraternity of 
the American Republics and the attempted construction of a 
Pan-American policy had been thus far unfulfilled dreams. 
Canada was much nearer to the United States, geographically 
and socially, than even Mexico, although the latter is a repub- 
lic. England, in Europe, was nearer than Brazil. The day 
came in 1898, when the United States could no longer remain 
in rx)litical seclusion nor bury herself in an impossible federa- 
tion. Washington's advice against becoming involved in 
European affairs, as well as the direct corrollary of the Mon- 
roe Doctrine, v.ere to be laid aside and the United States was 
to speak out to the world. The business of a European na- 
tion had become our business ; in the face of all the world we 
resolved to invade her territory in the interest of humanity; 
to face about upon our own traditions and dare the opinions 
and arms of the trans- Atlantic world by openly launching 
upon the new jx)licy of armed intervention in another's quarrel. 
While the troops were mobilizing- at Tampa preparatory to 
embarking for Cuba the question came up as to why there were 
no colored men in the artillery arm of the service, and the an- 
swer given by a Regular Army officer was, that the Negro had 
not brains enough for the management of heavy guns. It was 
a trifling assertion, of course, but at this period of the Negro's 
liistory it must not be allowed to pass unnoticed. We know 
that white men of all races and nationalities can serve big 
guns, and if the Negro cannot, it must be because of some 
marked difference between him and them. The officer said it 
was a difference in "brains," i. e., a mental difference. Just 
liow the problem of aiming and firing a big gun differs from 
that of aiming and firing small arms is not so easily explained. 
In both, the questions of velocity, gravitation, wind and resis- 
tance are to be considered and these are largely settled by me- 



THE KLACK REGUJ.ARS IN THK SPANISH -AMERICAN' WAR T05 

chanism, the adjustment of which is readily learned; hence the 
assumption that a Negro cannot learn it is purely gratuitous. 
Several of the best rifle shots known on this continent are 
NegToes; and it was a Negi'o who sunimerized the whole 
philosophy of rifle shooting in the statement that it all con- 
sists in knowing zvlicre to aim, and hoiv to pull — in knowing 
just what value to assign to gravitation, drift of the bullet and 
force of the wind, and then in being able to pull the trigger 
of the piece without disturbing the aim thus judiciously deter- 
mined. This includes all there is in the final science and art 
of firing a rifle. If the Negro can thus master the revolver, 
the carbine and the rifle, why may he not master the field piece 
or siege gun? 

But an ounce of fact in such things is worth more than 
many volumes of idle speculation, and it is remarkable that 
facts so recent, so numerous, and so near at hand, should es- 
cape the notice of those who question the Negro's ability to 
serve the artillery organizations. Negro artillery, both light 
and heavy, fought in fifteen battles in the Civil War with aver- 
age effectiveness; and some of those who fought against them 
must either admit the value of the Negro artilleryman or ac- 
knowledge their own inefficiency. General Fitz-Hugh Lee 
failed to capture a Negro battery after making most vigorous 
attempts to that end. This attempt to raise a doubt as to the 
Negro's ability to serve in the artillery arm is akin to, and 
less excusable, than that other groundless assertion, that Negro 
officers cannot command troops, an assertion which in this 
country amounts to saying that the United States cannot com- 
mand its army. Both of these assertions have been emphati- 
cally answered in fact, the former as shown above, and the lat- 
ter as will be shown later in this volume. These assertions are 
only temporary covers, behind which discomfitted and retreat- 



lo6 IHK liLACK KEG L LARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 

ing prejudice is able to make a brief stand, while the black hero 
of five hundred battle-fields, marches proudly by, disdaining 
to lower his gun to fire a shot on a foe so unworthy. \Vlien 
the Second ^Massachusetts Volunteers sent up their hearty 
cheers of welcome to the gallant old Twenty-fifth, as that 
solid column fresh from El Caney swung past its camp, I re- 
marked to Sergeant Harris, of the Twenty-fifth : "Those men 
think you are soldiers." "They know we are soldiers," was 
his reply. When the people of this country, like the mem- 
bers of that Massachusetts regiment, come to know that its 
black men in uniform are soldiers, plain soldiers, with the same 
mteresls and feelings as other soldiers, of as much value to the 
government and entitled from it to the same attention and re- 
wards, ihen a great step toward the solution of the prodigious 
pjoblem now confronting us will h'jve teen taken. 



Note. — "I had often heard that the physique of the men of our 
regular army was very remarkable, but the first time I saw any 
large body of them, which was at Tampa, they surpassed my 
highest expectations. It is not, however, to be wondered at 
that, for every recruit who is accepted, on the average thirty- 
four are rejected, and that, of course, the men who present 
themselves to the recruiting officer already represent a physical 
'elite' ; Init it was very pleasant to see and be assured, as I was 
at Tampa, by the evidences of my own eyes and the tape meas- 
ure, that there is not a guard regiment of either the Russian, 
( lerman or EngHsh army, of whose remarkable physique we 
have heard so much, that can compare physically, not with the 
best of our men, but simply with the average of the men of our 
regular arni}."'— Bonsai. 



BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY I07" 



CHAPTER IV. 

BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY. 

The following- brief sketch of Spain, its era of greatnes.s, 
the causes leading thereto, and the reasons for its rapid de- 
cline, will be of interest to the reader at this point in the nar- 
rative, as it will bring; into view the other side of the impend- 
ing conflict : 

Spain, the first in rank among the second-rate powers of 
Europe, by reason of her possessions in the West Indies, es- 
pecially Cuba, may be regarded as quite a near neighbor, and 
because of her connection with the discovery and settlement 
of the continent, as well as the commanding part she at one 
time played in the world's politics, her history cannot but 
awaken within the breasts of Americans a most lively interest. 

As a geographical and political fact, Spain dates from the 
earliest times, and the Spanish people gather within themselves 
the blood and the traditions of the three great continents of 
the Old World — Europe, Asia and Africa — united to produce 
the mighty Spaniard of the 15th and i6th centuries. It 
would be an interesting subject for the anthropologist to trace 
the construction of that people who are so often spoken of as 
possessing the pure blood of Castile, and as the facts should 
be brought to view, another proud fiction would dissipate in 
thin air, as we should see the Spaniard arising to take his place 
among the most mixed of mankind. 

The Spain that we are considering now is the Spain that 
gradually emerg-ed from a chaos of conflicting elements into 



loS r.RlEK SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 

the unitA' of a Christian nation. The dismal war between 
creeds gave way to the greater conflict between religions, when 
Cross and Crescent contended for supremacy, and this too had 
passed. The four stalwart Christian provinces of Leon, Cas- 
tile, Aragon and Navarre had become the four pillars of sup- 
port to a national throne and Ferdinand and Isabella were 
reigning. Spain has now apparently passed the narrows and 
is crossing the bar with prow set toward the open sea. She 
€nds her war with the Moors at the same time that England 
ends her wars of the Roses, and the battle of Bosworth's field 
may be classed with the capitulation of Granada. Both na- 
tions confront a future of about equal promise and may be 
rated as on equal footing, as this new era of the w^orld opens 
to view. 

What was this new era? Printing had been invented, com- 
merce had arisen, gunpowder had come into use, the feudal sys- 
tem was passing, royal authority had become paramount, and 
Spain was giving to the world its first lessons in what was 
early stigmatized as the "knavish calling of diplomacy." 

Now began the halcyon days of Spain, and what a breed 
of men she produced! Read the story of their conquests in 
Mexico and Peru, as told with so much skill and taste by our 
own Prescott; or read of the grandeur of her national charac- 
ter, and the wonderful valor of her troops, and the almost mar- 
velous skill of her Alexander of Parma, and her Spinola, as 
described by our great Motley, and you will see something of 
the moral and national glory of that Spain which under 
Charles V and Philip II awed the world into respectful silence. 

Who but men of iron, under a commander of steel, could 
have conducted to a successful issue the awful siege of Ant- 
werp, and by a discipline more dreadful than death, kept for 
•so man\- }ears, armed control of the country of the brave 



BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORV I0.> 

Nether landers? A Farnese was there, who could support and 
command an army, carry Philip and his puerile idosyncrasies 
upon his back and meet the fury of an outraged people who 
were fighting on their own soil for all that man holds dear. 
Never was wretched cause so ably led, never were such splen- 
did talents so unworthily employed. 

Alexander of Parma, Cortez, the Pizarros, were representa- 
tives of that form of human character that Spain especially 
developed. Skill and daring were brought out in dazzling 
splendor, and success followed their movements. Take a brief 
survey of the Empire under Charles V: Himself Emperor 
of Gei-many ; his son married to the Queen of England ; Turkey 
repulsed : France humbled, and all Europe practically within 
his gTasp. And what was Spain outside of Europe? In Amer- 
ica .she possessed territory covering sixty degrees of latitude, 
owning Mexico, Central America, V^enezuela, New Granada, 
Peru and Chili, with vast parts of North America, and the 
i.slands of Cuba, Jamaica and St. Domingo. In Africa and 
Asia she had large possessions — in a word, the energies of the 
world were at her feet. The silver and gold of Anoerica, the 
manufactures and commerce of the Netherlands, combined to 
make her the richest of nations. 

The limits of the present purpose do not permit an exhaus- 
tive presentation of her material strength in detail, nor are the 
means at hand for making such an exhibit. We nmst be con- 
tent with a general picture, quoted directly from Motley. He 
says : 

"Look at the broad magnificent Spanish Peninsula, stretch- 
ing across eight degrees of latitude and ten of longtitude, com- 
manding the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, with a genial 
climate, warmed in winter by the vast furnace of Africa, and 
protected from the scorching heats of summer by shady moun- 



no liRIEK SKKJCH Of SPANISH HISTORY 

tain and forest, and temperate breezes from either ocean. A 
j:,'enerous southern territory, flowing with oil and wine, and all 
ilie richest g^ifts of a bountiful nature — splendid cities — the 
new and daily expanding- Madrid, rich in the trophies of the 
most artistic period of the modern world; Cadiz, as populous 
at that day as London, seated by the straits where the an- 
cient and modern systems of traffic were blending like the 
mingling of the two oceans; Granada, the ancient, wealthy 
seat of the fallen Moors ; Toledo, Valladolid, and Lisbon, chief 
city of the recently conc|uered kingdom of Portugal, counting 
wilh its suburbs a larger population than any city excepting 
Paris, in Europe, the mother of distant colonies, and the capital 
of the rapidly-developing trafhc with both the Indies — these 
were some of the treasures of Spain herself. But she pos- 
sessed Sicily also, the belter portion of Italy, and important 
dependencies in Africa, while the famous maritime discover- 
ies of the age had all enured to her aggrandizement. The 
world seemed suddenly to have expanded its wings from East 
to West, only to bear the fortunate Spanish Empire to the 
jnost dizzy heights of wealth and power. The most accom- 
plished generals, the most disciplined and daring infantry the 
world has ever known, the best equipped and most extensive 
navy, royal and mercantile, of the age, were at the absolute 
ronmiand of the sovereign. Such was Spain." 

Such is not Spain to-day. A quite recent writer, speaking 
of Spain before the war, said, that although Spain in extent 
holds the sixth place in the I^uropean states, "it really now sub- 
sists merely by the sufferance of stronger nations." Thus 
lia> that nation, which three centuries ago dominated the world, 
lost both its position and its energy. 

Without attempting to sketch chronologically, either this 
rise or this decline, let us rather direct our efiforts to an in- 



BRIEF SKETCH Of SPANISH HISTORY IH 

-qtiir}' into the causes of both the one and ihe other. 

In attempting to explain the greatness of Spain we must 
^ive first place to the vigor of the Spanish race. The great 
Spaniard was a mighty compound. He had the blood of Rome 
mingled with the awful torrent that gave birth to the soulless 
Goths and Vandals. In him also flowed the hot blood of the 
Moors. He was both sturdy and fiery ; he had the fervor of the 
South with the tenacity of the North ; the pride of the Roman 
with the passion of the ]\Ioor. The Spanish race was etn- 
phatically a rich race. 

And then we must rememl^er that this race had been forged 
in war. Century after century, from the earliest times, they 
had lived with their arms in their hands. First came the long 
V, ar between the Arian Vandals, and the Trinitarian natives ; 
then the seven-hundred-year war with the followers of Ma- 
homed. The whole mission of life to them was to fight. 

Naturally there was developed in the people at large the 
most complete unification and subjection. Individualism gave 
place almost entirely to the common weal, and the spectacle 
was presented of a nation with no political questions. Mac- 
caulay maintains that human nature is such that aggregation.:; 
of men will always show the two principles of radicalism and 
conservatism, and that two parties will exist in consequence, 
one composed of those who are ever looking to a brighter 
future, the other of those who are ever seeking to restore a 
delightful past; but no such phenomena appear in the ascend- 
ing period of Spain's history. The whole nation moved as an 
organized army, steadily forward, until its zenith was reached. 
This solidity was a marked element of its strength. 

Mr. Buckle recognizes this, and accounts for the harmonious 
movements of the nation by the influence of two leading prin- 
ciples, which he is pleased to call superstition and loyalty.' 



112 KRIKK SKKTCH O)" SPANISH HISTORY 

The Arab invasion had pressed upon the Christians with such> 
force that it was only by the strictest discipline that the latter 
had managed to survive. To secure such discipline, and at 
{he same time supply the people with the steady enthusiasm 
necessary to support a war from century to century, all the 
terrors and all the glories that could be derived from religion 
were employed. The church and the state, the prince and the 
l)riest, became as one. and loyalty and religion, devotion to 
the standard and to the cross, were but different names for the 
same principles and actions. Hence Spain emerged to great- 
ness without the least dream of liberty of either person, cons- 
cience or thought. Her rallying cry was : For the Prince and. 
tlie Church ; not, For God and Liberty. She went up to great- 
ness the most loyal and the most religious of nations ; but Lib- 
erty, Justice and Truth were not upon her banners. 

Look over the territory settled and conquered by her, and 
what do we see? Columbus, sailing under Spain, names the 
Jirst land he discovers San Salvador; the tirst settlement made 
in this country is St. Augustine; the second, Sante Fe. Look 
down over the southern half of our continent and such names 
as Espirito Santo, Corpus Christi, San Diego, San Juan, San 
Jose, San Domingo attest the religious zeal of the conquerors. 
They were missionaries of the Cross, robbing the people of 
tlieir gold and paying them off with religion. 

Steadfast in the faith and sturdy in her loyalty, Spain re- 
sisted all innovations with respect to her religious beliefs, and. 
all insurrections against her government. Her Alva and her 
'i'orquemada but illustrated how strong was her conservatism, 
while her Isabella and her Philip H show how grand and com- 
prehensive and how persistent \\2ks her aggressiveness, under 
ihe idea of spreading and upholding the true faith. She nat 
only meant to hold all she had of wealth and power, but she as.- 



BRIEF SKETCt? Or SPANISH HISTORY II5 

pired to universal dominion; already chief, she desired to be 
sole, and this in the interest and name of the Holy Church. 

The Reformation did not distuii) Spain ; it was crushed out 
within twenty years. The spirit of liberty that had been grow- 
ing in England since Bosworth's Field, and that was manifest- 
ing itself in Germany and the Netherlands, and that had begun 
to quiver even in France, did not dare stir itself in Spain. 
Spain was united, or rather, was solidity itself, and this solidity 
was both its strength and its death. England was not so 
united, and England went steadily onward and upward; but 
Spain's unity destroyed her, because it practically destroyed 
individualism and presented the strange paradox of a strong 
nation of weak men. 

As a machine Spain in the sixteenth century was a marvel 
of power ; as an aggregation of thinking men, it was even then 
contemptible. Ferdinand, Charles V and Philip II were able 
and illustrious rulers, and they appeared at a time when their 
several characters could tell on the immediate fortunes of 
Spain. They were warriors, and the nation was entirely war- 
like. During this period the Spaniard overran the earth, not 
that he might till the soil, but that he might rob the man who 
did. With one hand he was raking in the gold and silver of 
Mexico and Peru,; with the other confiscating the profits of 
the trade and manufactures of the Low Countries — and all in^ 
the name of the Great God and Saints ! 

How was Spain overthrown? The answer is a short one. 
Spain, under Philip II staked her all upon a religious war 
against the awakening age. She met the Reformation within 
her own borders and extinguished it; but thought had broken 
loose from its chains and was abroad in the earth. England 
had turned Protestant, and Elizabeth was on the throne ; Den- 
mark, Norway and Sweden, indeed all countries except Spain 
8 



I 14 BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 

and Italy had heard the echoes from Luther's trumpet blast. 
Italy furnished the religion, and Spain the powder, in this un- 
equal fig-ht between the Old and the New. Spain was not 
merely the representative of the old, she WAS the old, and 
she armed her whole strength in its behalf. 

Here was a religion separated from all moral principle and 
devoid of all softening sentiment — its most appropriate for- 
mula being, death to all heretics. Death — not to tyrants, not 
to oppressors, not to robbers and men-stealers — ^but death to 
heretics. It was this that equipped her Armada. 

The people were too loyal and too pious to THINK, and 
so were hurled in a solid mass against the armed thought of 
the coming age, and a mighty nation crumbled as in a day. 
With the destruction of her Armada her warlike ascendancy 
passed and she had nothing to put in its place. She had not 
tillers of the soil, mechanics or skilled merchants. Business 
was taking the place of war all over the world, but Spain knew 
only religion and war, hence worsted in her only field, she was 
doomed. 

From the days of Philip II her decline was rapid. Her ter- 
ritory slipped from her as rapidly as it had been acquired. Her 
g^eat domains on our soil are now the seat of thriving com- 
munities of English-speaking people. The whole continent of 
South America has thrown off her yoke, though still retaining 
her language, and our troops now embarked from Port Tampa 
are destined to wrest from her the two only remaining colonies 
subject to her sway in the Western World. — Cuba and Porto 
Rico. With all her losses hitherto, Spain has not learned 
wisdom. Antagonistic to truth and liberty, she seems to sit in 
the shadow of death, hugging the delusions that have betrayed 
her, while all other people of earth are pressing onward to- 
ward light and liberty. 



BRIEF SKETCH OK SPANISH HISTORY II5 

The struggle in Cuba had been going on for years, and in 
that colony of less than two millions of inhabitants, many of 
whom were Spaniards, there was now an army four times as 
large as the standing arm.y of the United States. Against this 
army and against the Government of Spain a revolt had been 
carried on previous to the present outbreak for a period of ten 
years, and which had been settled by concessions on the part 
of the home government. The present revolt was of two years' 
standing when our government decided to interfere. The 
Cubans had maintained disorder, if they had not carried on 
war; and they had declined to be pacified. In their army they 
experienced no color difficulties. Gomez, Maceo and Quintin 
Banderas were generals honored and loved, Maceo especially 
coming to be the hero and idol of the insurgents of all classes. 
And it can truthfully be said that no man in either the Cuban 
or Spanish army, in all the Cuban struggle previous to our in- 
tervention, has earned a loftier fame as patriot, soldier and 
man of noble mould than ANTONIO MACEO. 

Cuba, by far the most advanced of all the West Indian col- 
onies ; Cuba, essentially Spanish, was destined to be the battle 
ground between our troops and the veterans of Spain. The 
question to be settled was that of Spain's sovereignty, Spain's 
right to rule over the colonies of Cuba and Porto Rico was dis- 
puted by the United States, and this question, and this alone, 
is to be settled by force of arms. Further than this, the issue 
does not go. The dictum of America is : Spain shall not rule. 
The questions of Annexation, Expansion and Imperialism 
were not before us as we launched our forces to drive Spain 
out of the West Indies. The Cuban flag was closely asso- 
ciated with our own standard popularly, and "Cuba Libre" 
was a wide-spread sentiment in June, 1898. "We are ready to 
help the Cubans gain their liberty" was the honest expression 
of thousands who felt they were going forward in a war for 
others 



,j5 first battle in CUBA 



CHAPTER V. 



PASSAGE, LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA. 

The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas— The "Rescue of the Rough Riders"— 
Was There an Ambush?— Notes. 

"The passage to Santiago was generally smooth and un- 
eventful," says General Shafter in his official report. Bat 
when the fact is called to mind that the men had been on board 
a week before sailing, and were a week more on the passage, 
and that "the conveniences on many of the transports in the 
nature of sleeping accommodations, space for exercise, closet 
accommodations, etc., were not all that could have been de- 
sired," and that the opinion was general throughout the army 
that the travel ration was faulty, it cannot be doubted that the 
trip was a sore trial to the enlisted men at least. The monoton- 
ous days passed in the harbor at Port Tampa, while waiting 
for orders to sail, were unusually trying to the men. They 
were relieved somewhat by bathing, swimming, gaming and 
chatting on the coming events. A soldier who was in one of 
the colored regiments describes the inside life of one of the 
transports as follows : "After some miles of railroad travel 
and much hustling we were put on board the transport. 1 
say on board, but it is simply because we cannot use the terms 
under hoard. We were huddled together below two other regi- 
ments and under the water line, in the dirtiest, closest, most 
sickening place imaginable. For about fifteen days we were 
on the water in this dirty hole, but being soldiers we were com^ 
pelled to accept this without a murmur. We ate corn beef and 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 117 

canned tomatoes with our hard bread until we were anything 
but half way pleased. In the fifth or sixth day out to sea the 
water furnished us became muddy or dirty and well flavored 
with salt, and remained so during the rest of the journey. 
Then, the ship's cooks, knowing well our condition made it con- 
venient to themselves to sell us a glass of clean ice water and 
a small piece of bread and tainted meat for the sum of seventy- 
five cents, or one dollar, as the case might be." 

A passage from Port Tampa, around the eastern end •■>! 
Cuba, through the Windward Passage, even in June, is ordin- 
arily pleasant. On the deck of a clean steamer, protected from 
the sun's rays by a friendly awjiing, it may be put dov/n as 
uearly an ideal pleasure trip; but crowded into freight ships as 
these men were, many of them clad in thick and uncomfortable 
clothing, reduced to the uninviting travel ration, compelled to 
*pend most of the time below decks, occupied with thoughts 
of home and friends, and beset with forebodings of coming 
events, it was very far from being to them a pastime. Of the 
thousands who are going to Cuba to magnify the American 
flag, not all will return. Occasionally the gay music of the 
bands would relieve the dull routine and cause the spirits to 
rise under the effects of some enlivening waltz or stirring 
patriotic air; or entering a school of flying fish the men would 
be entertained to see these broad-finned creatures dart from the 
waves like arrows from the bow, and after a graceful flight of 
perhaps near two hundred yards drop again into the sea; but 
taken altogether it was a voyage that furnishes little for the 
historian. 

The transports were so arranged as to present an interesting 
and picturesque spectacle as they departed from our shores on 
-their ocean march. Forming in three columns, with a dis- 



Il8 FIRST IIATTLE IN CUBA 

tance of about i,ooo yards between the columns, and the ves- 
sels in the columns being distanced from one another about 
400 3'ards, the fleet was convoyed from Port Tampa by small 
naval vessels until it reached a point between the Dry Tor- 
tugas and Key West. Here it was met by the noble battleship 
Indiana and nine other war vessels, thus making a convoy al- 
together of fifteen fighting craft. Transports and convoy now 
made an armada of more than forty ships, armed and manned 
by the audacious modern republic whose flag waved from ever>' 
masthead. Thus spreading out over miles of smooth sea, mov- 
ing quietly along by steam, carrying in its arms the flower of 
the American army, every man of which was an athlete, this 
fleet announced to the world the grim purpose of a nation 
aroused. 

The weather from the time of leaving Port Tampa continued 
fine until the fleet entered the passage between the western 
coast of Playti and the eastern end of Cuba, known as the 
Windward Passage, when the breeze freshened and a roug^ 
sea began, continuing more or less up to the time of landing. 
Rounding this eastern coast of Cuba the fleet headed its course 
westerly and on the morning of the 20th was able to deter- 
mine its ix)sition as being off Guantanamo Bay, about fifty 
miles east of Santiago. Here, eight days before, the first bat 
tie on Cuban soil, in which four American marines were killed, 
had been fought. About noon on the same day, the fleet came 
to a halt off Santiago harbor, or a little to the west of the en- 
trance to it, and Admiral Sampson came on board. He and 
General Shafter soon after went ashore to consult the Cuban 
(general, Garcia, who was known to be in that vicinity with 
about 4,000 well armed troops. 

The voyage over, and the men having been crowded together 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA II9 

on shipboard for nearly two weeks, it was now expedient to 
get them on shore as soon as possible. But it was necessary 
to find out beforehand what defences were along the coast, 
and what forces of the enemy were likely to be encountered in 
landing. The fleet lay off from the shore about a mile, and 
it was no small undertaking to convey the 17,000 men on board 
with all their arms and equipments to the shore in small boats 
over a rough sea, especially should the landing be disputed. It 
was to arrange for the landing and also to map out a general 
plan of campaign that the three great leaders, Shafter, Samp- 
son and Garcia met at Aserradores on the afternoon of June 
20th as the American fleet stood guard over the harbor oi 
Santiago. 

General Garcia was already aware of the coming of the fleet, 
having received a message from Major-General Miles two 
weeks previous. The letter of General Miles ran as follows : 

Headquarters of the Army, 
In the Field, Tampa, Fla., June 2, 1898. 

Dear General: — 1 am very glad to have received your offi- 
cers, General Enrique Collazo and Lieut.-Col. Carlos Hernan- 
dez, the latter of whom returns to-night with our best wishes for 
your success. 

It would be a very great assistance if you could have as large 
a force as possible in the vicinity of the harbor of Santiago de 
Cuba, and communicate any information by signals which Col- 
onel Hernandez will explain to you either to our navy or to our 
army on its arrival, which we hope will be before many days. 

It would also assist us very much if you could drive in and 
harass any Spanish troops near or in Santiago de Cuba, threat- 
ening or attacking them at all points, and preventing, by every 
means, any possible re-enforcement coming to that garrison. 
While this is being done, and before the arrival of our army, 
if you can seize and hold any commanding position to the east 
or west of Santiago de Cuba, or both, that v.-ould be advanta- 



,20 FtRST BATTLE IN CUBA 

geous for the use of our artillery, it will be exceedingly gratify- 
ing to us." 

To this General Garcia replied that he would ''take measures 
at once to carry out your (Miles') recommendation, but con- 
centration of forces will require some time. Roads bad and 
Cubans scattered. Will march without delay." Admirat 
Sampson also cabled the Secretary of the Navy that Garcia 
''regards his (Miles') wishes and suggestions as orders, and 
immediately will take measures to concentrate forces at the 
points indicated, but he is unable to do so as early as desired 
on account of his expedition at Banes Port, Cuba, but will 
march without delay. All of his subordinates are ordered to 
assist to disembark the United States troops and to place 
themsel es under orders." It was in compliance with these re- 
quests ihat General Garcia had the five thousand troops so 
near Santiago at the time he welcomed Shafter and Sampson 
to his camp, as mentioned above, and there is every necessary 
evidence that these Cuban troops took part in the fight about 
Santiago. Says General Miles of Garcia : '*He had troops in 
the rear as well as on both sides of the garrison at Santiago be- 
fore the arrival of our troops." 

It was agreed that the force of five hundred men under 
General Castillo, posted near Daiquiri, should be increased to 
I, GOO, and should be prepared to make an attack upon the 
rear of the Spanish garrison at Daiquiri on the morning of the 
22nd, at which time the debarkation would begin. General 
Rabi with about 500 men was also ta attack Cabanas at the 
iame time, in the same manner, the transports and war vessels 
;o manoeuvring as to give the impression that a landing was 
.0 be made at that place. While these attacks in the rear were 
distracting the garrisons, the navy, by order of Admiral Samp- 
son, was to start up a vigorous bombardment of all the villages 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUKA 



along the coast, thus clearing the shore for the landing of the 
army. Thus did the conference unite the hands of Ameri- 
cans and Cubans in the fight against Spain on Cuban soil, and 
each was pledged to the other by the expressions of good will. 
Having accomplished its work the important conference closed, 
Admiral Sampson and General Shafter to return to their ships, 
and General Garcia to carry out the part of the work assigned 
to him, which he did with fidelity and success.* 

According to orders published on the 20th, General Law- 
ton's Division, known as the Second Division, Fifth Army 
Corps, was to disembark first. This Division contained the 
three following Brigades : The First, General Ludlow's, com- 
posed of the Eighth and Twenty-second Infantry (regulars) 
and the Second Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry; the Sec- 
ond Brigade, General Miles', composed of the Fourth and 
Twenty-fifth Infantry (regulars) ; the Third Brigade, General 
Chaffee's, containing the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth 
Infantry (regulars). Next to follow was General Bates' Bri- 
gade, which was to act as reserve to Lawton's Division. This 
Brigade consisted of the Third and Twentieth Infantry (regu- 
lars) and one squadron of the Second Cavalry, the only 
mounted troops in Shafter's army. The cavalry, however, 
were not to disembark with the Brigade, but were to be the 
last troops to leave the transports. After Bates' Brigade, was 
to follow Wheeler's Dismounted Cavalry Division, containing 
the two following Brigades : The First, composed of the 
Third, Sixth and Ninth Cavalry (regulars) ; the Second, com- 
posed of the First and Tenth Cavalry (regulars) and the First 
Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders). To follow the Cavalry 
Division was to come the First Division, General Kent's, con- 
taining the following troops : The First Brigade, General 

*See Note A at the end of this chapter. 



FIKST BATTLE IN CUBA 



Hawkins', consisting of the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry 
(regulars) and the Seventy-first New York Volunteer Infan- 
try; the Second Brigade, General Pearson's, consisting of the 
Second, Tenth and Twenty-first Infantry (regulars); the 
Third Brigade, Colonel Wikoff's, made up of the Ninth, Thir- 
teenth and Twenty-fourth Infantry (regulars). Then, lastly, 
was to depart the squadron of mounted cavalry. 

Thus prepared, both on board the ships and on shore, the 
morning of the 22nd dawned to witness the beginning of 
mighty operations. The war vessels, drawn up in proper or- 
der, early began to hurl shot and shell upon the towns, forts, 
blockhouses and clumps of trees that could be discovered along 
the shore. The cannonading lasted between two and three 
hours and was furious throughout. Meanwhile General Law- 
ton's Division began the work of going ashore. The sea was 
rough and the passage to the shore was made in small boats 
furnished from the transports and from the naval vessels, 
towed by steam launches belonging to the navy. The larger 
of the boats were capable of carrying ten or twelve men each, 
while the smaller ones could carry but six or seven. During 
the passage to the shore several of the men who had escaped 
thus far, were taken with seasickness, greatly to the amuse- 
ment of their more hardy companions. The landing was made 
at a pier which had been used formerly as a railroad pier, but 
was now abandoned and somewhat dilapidated. To get from 
the boats to the pier in this rough sea was the most perilous 
part of the whole trip from Tampa to Cuba. As the boats 
would rise on the waves almost level with the landing place, 
it was necessary to leap quickly from the boat to the shore. In 
this way two cavalrymen of the Tenth lost their lives, falling 
into the sea with their equipments on and sinking before help 
could reach them. Some of the boats were rowed ashore and 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 1 23 

made a landing on the beach some distance from the pier. By 
this method some men of the Twenty-fifth tried to be the first 
to land, but failed, that regiment landing, however, in the first 
body of troops to go ashore, and being the second in order, in 
the invasion of the island. By night of the 22nd more than 
one-third of the troops were on shore, and by the evening of 
the 24th the whole army was disembarked according to the 
program announced at the beginning, the squadron of cavalry 
coming in at the close of the march to the shore. 

The only national movement on our part deserving to be 
brought into comparison with the expedition against the 
Spanish power in Cuba, is that of fifty years earlier, v/hen 
General Scott sailed at the head of the army of invasion against 
Mexico. Some of the occurrences of that expedition, especially 
connected with its landing, should be carefully studied, and if 
the reports which have reached the public concerning it are 
truthful, we would do well to consider how far the methods 
then in use could be applied now. Scribner's recent history, 
published just before the outbreak of the Spanish War, tells 
the story of that expedition, so far as it tells it at all, in the 
following sentence: "On the 7th of March, the fleet with 
Scott's army came to anchor a few miles south of Vera Cruz, 
and two days later he landed his whole force — nearly twelve 
thousand men — by means of surf -boats." A writer in a re- 
cent number of The Army and Navy Journal says General 
Worth's Division of 4,500 men were landed in one hour, and 
the vv^hole force was landed in six hours, without accident or 
confusion. In the prosecution of that unholy war, which lasted 
about a year, nearly three thousand men were lost in battle and 
about as many more by disease, peace being finally made by 
the cession of territory on the part of Mexico, the United 
States paying in return much more than the territory was 



124 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 

worth. The twenty millions paid to Texas probably in great 
part went into the coffers of the patriots who occupied that 
region, some of whom had not been known as desirable citizens 
in the parts from which they came, and had manifested their 
patriotism by leaving their country for their country's good. 
The fifteen millions handed over to Mexico looks like a con- 
tribution to a conscience fund, and an atonement offered for an 
assault without provocation. The country gained Arizona,. 
New Mexico, California and finally Texas, but it lost six 
thousand good men, the cost of the war, and all told, in nego- 
tiations, about thirty million dollars, besides. However, it is not 
always profitable to look up the harvests of war. There are 
always two — the harvest of gain, and the harvest of loss. 
Death and debt are reapers, as well as are honor and extent of 
territory. 

The feelings of the six thousand American troops who 
landed on Cuban soil on June 22nd, 1898, may well be Imag- 
ined. Although they felt the effects of the confinement to 
which they had been subjected while on shipboard, there was 
very little sickness among them. Again possessed of the free 
use of their limbs they swarmed the beach and open space near 
the landing, making themselves at home, and confronting the 
difficulties and perils that lay before them with a courage born 
of national pride. Before them were the mountains with their 
almost impassable roads, the jungles filled with poisonous 
plants and the terrible prickly underbrush and pointed grass, 
in which skulked the land crab and various reptiles whose bite 
or sting was dangerous; twenty miles of this inhospitable 
country lay between them and Santiago, their true objective. 
And somewhere on the road to that city they knew they were 
destined to meet a well-trained foe, skilled in all the arts of 
modern warfare, who would contest their advance. The pros- 



MRST BATTLE IX CUBA I25 

pect, however, did not unnerve them, although they could well 
conjecture that all who landed would not re-embark. Some in 
that six thousand were destined never again to set foot on 
shipboard. Out of the Twenty-fifth Infantry and the Tenth 
Cavalry men were to fall both before Spanish bullets and 
disease ere these organizations should assemble to return to 
their native shores. These thoughts did not prevent the men 
from taking advantage of what nature had to offer them. 

"We landed in rowboats, amid, and after the cessation of 
the bombardment of the little hamlet and coast by the men 
of-war and battle-ships," writes a brave soldier of the Twenty- 
fifth Infantry, and adds immediately: "We then helped our- 
selves to cocoanuts which we found in abundance near the 
landing." Ordinarily this statement, so trivial and apparently 
unimportant, would not merit repetition, but in its connection 
here it is significant as showing the immediate tendency of the 
men to resort to the fruits of the country, despite all warnings 
to the contrary. The two weeks' experience on board the 
transports had made the finding of cocoanuts an event to be 
noted, and the dry pulp and strongly flavored milk of this 
tropical fruit became extremely grateful to the palate, even 
if not altogether safe for the stomach. If ripe, however, the 
cocoanut could scarcely be more ungenial to many, than the 
raw, canned tomatoes upon which they had in part subsisted 
during the voyage. It is to be added that this report of the 
finding of the cocoanuts is not the report of an old soldier, but 
of a young and intelligent, first enlistment man. 

Lawton's Division soon after landing, was ordered to move 
forv.'ard in the direction of Santiago, on the road leading past 
Siboney. A staff officer, writing of that movement, says : 
"General Lawton, with his Division, in obedience to this order^ 
pushed forward from Daiquiri about five miles, when night 



126 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 

overtook him and he bivouacked on the road." An old sol- 
dier of the Twenty-fifth, writing me from the hospital in 
Tampa, Florida, July 22nd, says of the same event: "After 
the regiment landed we marched about four and a half miles 
through the mountains; then we made camp." The old soldier 
says nothing of cocoanuts, but makes his statement with as 
much accuracy as possible, and with no waste of words. The 
novice describing the same thing says: "A short distance 
ahead (from the shore) we bivouacked for the night. We 
were soon lying in dreamland, so far from friends and home, 
indeed, on a distant, distant shore." These two extracts show 
.-it once the difterence between the soldier produced by years 
of trial and training on our plains, and the soldier v/ho but 
yesterday was a civilian. With the one the march is a short 
distance; with the other it is about four and a half miles; one 
reports that they "made camp," the other talks of dreamland, 
friends, home and distant shore; one expresses his feelings, 
the other shows control of feeling and reserve in expression. 

That first night on Cuban soil, the night following June 
22nd, was one without events, but one of great concern to the 
commanders on shore and on the fleet. The work of disem- 
barking had gone on successfully, and already about six thous- 
and men were on shore. Nearly the whole of Lawton's Divis- 
ion, with Bates" independent brigade, were bivouacked, as we 
have seen, about five miles from Daiquiri, exactly where the 
railroad crosses the wagon road leading to Siboney. General 
Wheeler's troops — one brigade — were encamped on the open 
ground near the landing, the remainder of his division being 
still on the transports. The Twenty-fifth Infantry was with 
Lawton ; the Tenth Cavalry was ashore with Wheeler's troops. 
A detachment of the Twenty-fifth was put on outpost duty on 
that night of their landing, and five miles within Cuban ter- 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA I 27 

ritory they tramped their solitary beats, estabhshing and guard- 
ing- the majestic authority of the United States. 

Lawton's orders were to seize and hold the town of Siboney, 
at which place Kent's Division, containing the Twenty- fourth, 
was to land. It was then intended that the whole army should 
advance as rapidly as would be consistent with supplying the 
men with rations toward Santiago. Siboney was to be the 
base of supplies, and from this point ammunition and food 
were to be conveyed to the front by wagons and pack trains. 
General Shafter also intended that Lawton with his division 
should lead the advance upon Santiago, but circumstances be- 
yond his control brought about a different result. On the 
morning of the 23rd Lawton's division was in motion early, 
and before half-past ten o'clock he was able to report that the 
Spaniards had evacuated Siboney and were in full retreat, 
pursued by a body of Cubans under direction of General Cas- 
tillo; that the town was in his hands, and he had also cap- 
tured one locomotive and nearly one hundred cars loaded with 
coal. 

General Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry 
division, got on shore on the afternoon of the 23rd and after 
landing received verbal orders to move out with three days' 
rations "to a good camping place between Juraguacito and Sib- 
oney, on the road leading to Santiago de Cuba." In obedience 
to these orders, at 4.30 in the afternoon Young with the Rough 
Riders and a squadron from each of the First and Tenth Regu- 
lar Cavalry moved from the bivouack near the landing and 
arrived at Siboney at about 7 o'clock. When General Young 
arrived at Siboney he had with him the Rough Riders, the 
other troops having been delayed by the crowded condition of 
the trail and the difficulty of following after nightfall. Al- 
though these troops are always spoken of as cavalry, the 



128 FIRST CATTLE IN CUBA 

reader must not forget that they were dismounted and in march- 
ing and fighting were the same as infantry. 

General Young on arriving at Siboney reported to General 
Wheeler, who had preceded him to the same place. The state- 
ments of the several commanders here appear somewhat con- 
flicting, although not inexplicable. General Lawton says : 
"Yesterday afternoon, late, General Wheeler and staff arrived 
and established his headquarters within the limits of my com- 
mand. Saw him after dark. Late last night Colonel Wood's 
regiment of dismounted cavalry (Rough Riders) passed 
through my camp at Division Headquarters, and later General 
Young, with some of the dismounted Cavalry, and early this 
morning others of the dismounted cavalry." Wheeler says 
that "in obedience to instructions from the Major-General 
Commanding," given to him in person, he proceeded, on June 
23rd, to Siboney, but does not say at what hour. He says he 
"rode out to the front and found that the enemy had halted 
a^d established themselves at a point about three miles frora 
Siboney." He then informs us that "at 8 o'clock on that even- 
ing of the 23rd General Young reached Siboney with eight 
troops of Colonel Wood's regiment (A, B, D, E, F, G, K and 
L) , 500 strong ; Troops A, B, G and K, of the First Cavalry, 
in all 244, and Troops A, B, E and I, of the Tenth Cavalry, 
in all 220 men, making a total force of 964 men, which in- 
cluded nearly all of my command which had disembarked. 
These troops had marched from Daiquiri, 1 1 miles. With the 
assistance of General Castillo a rough map of the country was 
prepared and the i>osition of the enemy fully explained, and I 
determined to make an attack." Lieutenant Miley says that 
the whole brigade of Wheeler's troops arrived in Siboney 
about dark and were occupying the same ground as General 
Lawton ("In Cuba With Shafter," p. 76.) General Young 



FIRST HATTLF, IN CUBA I2(>' 

says that after reporting to General Wheeler he "asked and 
obtained from General Wheeler authority to make a recon- 
noisance in force" for the purpose of obtaining "positive in- 
formation * * '■■■ as to the position and movements of the 
enemy in front." 

The distance from Daiquiri to Siboney was but eleven miles, 
and as the troops left the former place at 4.30 it is probable 
that they were all bivouacked near Siboney before 9 o'clock, 
as they were all together, according to General Wheeler's re- 
port, at 5.45 on the morning of the 24th. General Young 
having discovered that there were two roads or trails leading 
from Siboney northward toward the town of Sevilla deter- 
mined to make his reconnoisance by both these trails. He 
directed Colonel Wood to move by the western trail and to 
keep a careful lookout and to attack any Spaniards he might 
encounter, being careful to join his right in the event of an 
engagement, with the left of the column advancing by the 
eastern trail. Colonel Wood's column was the left column and 
was composed of the Rough Riders only. The column march- 
ing by the eastern trail was composed of the First and Tenth 
Cavalry (regulars) and was under the command of General 
Young. It was the intention of General Young by this column 
to gain the enemy's left, and thus attack in front and left. 
As early as 7.20 a. m. Captain Mills discovered the enemy ex- 
actly as had been described by General Castillo. When this 
was done word was sent to Colonel Wood, who was making 
his way to the front over a more difficult route than the one 
by which General Young's column had marched. A delay was 
therefore made on the part of General Young in order that the 
attack should begin on both flanks at the same time. During 
this delay General Wheeler arrived and was informed of the 
plans and dispositions for the attack, and after examining the 



SJO 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 



position gave his approval of what had been done, whereupon 
General Young ordered the attack. General Wheeler in speak- 
ing of the same event says : "General Young and myself ex- 
amined the position of the enemy. The lines were deployed 
and I directed him to open fire with the Hotckiss gun. The 
enemy replied and the firing immediately became general." 
There can be no question as to the planning of this fight nor 
as to the direction of the American force in the fight so far 
as any general direction was possible. Colonel Wood directed 
one column and General Young another, while the plan of the 
attack undoubtedly originated with General Youngf. General 
Wheeler conveys as much when he says : "General Young de- 
serves special commendation for his cool deliberate and skill- 
ful management." General Young, if only the commander of 
the right column consisting of two squadrons of regular 
cavalry, had not as large a command, nor as difficult and im- 
portant a one as had Colonel Wood, and hence is not deserving 
of special commendation except upon the general ground that 
he had supervision over the whole battle. This position is 
taken by General Shafter in his report, who though admitting 
the presence of the Division Commander, credits the battle to 
General Young, the commander of the brigade. The recon- 
noissance in force for which Young had obtained authority 
from General Wheeler on the night of the 23rd had developed 
into a battle, and the plan had evolved itself from the facts dis- 
covered. This plan General Wheeler approved, but in no such 
way as to take the credit from its originator; and it is doubt- 
less with reference both to the plan and the execution that he 
bestows on Greneral Young the mead of praise. This state- 
ment of fact does not in the least detract from either the im- 
portance or the praiseworthiness of the part played by Colonel 
Wood. Both he and the officers and men commanded by him 



FIRST BATTLE IX CUBA 131 

received both from General Young and from the division com- 
mander the most generous praise. The advance of Wood's 
column was made with great difficulty owing to the nature of 
the ground, and according to General Young's belief, he was 
in the rear when at 7.20 in the morning Captain Mills discov- 
ered the enemy, and a Cuban guide was dispatched to warn 
Wood, and a delay made to allow time for him to come up. 
Colonel Wood, on the other hand, claims to have discovered 
the enemy at 7.10 and to have begun action almost immediat- 
ely, so that it turned out as Young had planned, and "the at- 
tack of both wings was simultaneous." The Spaniards were 
posted on a range of high hills in the form of a "V," the open- 
ing being toward Siboney, from which direction the attack 
came. 

From Colonel Wood's report it appears that soon after the 
firing began he found it necessary to deploy five troops to the 
right, and left, leaving three troops in reserve. The 
enemy's lines being still beyond his, both on the right and on 
the left, he hastily deployed two more troops, which made the 
lines now about equal in length. The firing was now "ex- 
ceedingly heavy," and much of it at short range, but on account 
of the thick underbrush it was not very effective; "compara 
tively few of our men were injured." Captain Capron at this 
time received his mortal wound and the firing became so terrific 
that the last remaining troop of the reserve was absorbed by 
the firing line, and the whole regiment ordered to advance very 
slowly. The Spanish line yielded and the advance soon showed 
that in falling back the enemy had taken a new position, about 
three hundred yards in front of the advancing regiment. Their 
lines extended from 800 to 1,000 yards, and the firing from 
their front was "exceedingly heavy" and effective. A "good 
many men" were wounded, "and several officers," says Colonel 



132 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 



Wood's report. Still the advance was kept up, and the Span- 
ish line was steadily forced back. "We now began," says 
Colonel Wood, "to get a heavy fire from a ridge on our right. 
which enfiladed our line." The reader can at once see that al- 
though the Rough Riders were advancing heroically, they were 
now in a very serious situation, with an exceedingly heavy and 
effective fire striking them in front, and a heavy, enfilading fire 
raking them from the right. Their whole strength was on the 
line, and these two fires must have reduced their effectivenes.s 
with great rapidity had it kept up, the Spaniards having their 
range and firing by well-directed volleys. It was for the ^eg^- 
ment a moment of the utmost peril. Had they been alone they 
must have perished. 

It was from this perilous situation of Colonel Wood's com- 
mand that one of the most popular stories of the war origin- 
ated, a story that contained some truth, but which was often 
told in such a way as to cause irritation, and in some instances 
it was so exaggerated or mutilated in the telling as to be sim- 
ply ridiculous. On the day after the battle the story was 
told in Lawton's camp according to the testimony of an in- 
telligent soldier of the Twenty-fifth Infantry. His words are: 
"The next day about noon we heard that the Tenth Cavalry 
had met the enemy and that the Tenth Cavalry had rescued the 
Rough Riders. We congratulated ourselves that although not 
of the same branch of service, we were of the same color, and 
that to the eye of the enemy we, troopers and footmen, all 
looked alike." According to artists and cheap newspaper 
stories this rescuing occurred again and again. A picture is 
extensively advertized as "an actual and authoritative presen- 
tation of this regiment (the Tenth Cavalry) as it participateti 
in that great struggle, and their heroic rescue of the Rough 
Riders on that memorable July day." This especial rescuing 



FIRST DATTLF. IN CU UA t^^ 

rook place on San Juan Hill. The editor of a religious paper 
declares that it was the Twenty-Hfth Infantry that rescued the 
Rough Riders and that it was done at El Caney!*' 

Before we go any farther let us see just what the Tenth 
Cavalry did do in this fight. That their action was highly 
meritorious admits of no doubt, and the laurels they won were 
never allowed to fade during the whole campaign. General 
Wheeler speaks of them with the First Cavalry. He says : "I 
was immediately with the troops of the First and Tenth Regu- 
lar Cavalry, dismounted, and personally noticed their brave 
and good conduct." There were four troops of the Tenth en- 
gaged, composing the First Squadron of that regiment, under 
command of Major Norval. Troop A was commanded by 
Captain W. H. Beck, who was specially commended by Gen- 
eral Wheeler for good conduct. Second Lieutenant F. R. Mc- 
Coy was Captain Beck's assistant. This troop moved over to 
the left, receiving the fire of the enemy, but making no re- 
sponse, the distance being too great for effective carbine firing. 

*THE TWENTY-FIFTH AT EL-CANEY. 

American valor never shone with greater luster than when the Twenty- 
Hfth Infantry swept up the sizzling hill of El-Caney to the rescue of the 
rough riders. Two other regiments came into view of the rough riders. 
But the bullets were flying like driving hail; the enemy were in trees and 
ambushes with smokeless powder, and the rough riders were biting the 
dust and were threatened with annihilation. 

A rough rider described the feelings of his brigade when they saw the 
other regiments appear and retreat. Finally this rough rider, a Southerner, 
heard a well-known yell. And out of the distance moved a regiment as if 
on dress parade, faces set like steel, keeping step like a machine, their com- 
rades r.-'I'.mg here, there, everyv.'here, moving into the storm of invisible 
death without one faltering step, passing the rough riders, conquering up 
the hill, and never stopping until with the rough riders El-Caney was won. 
This was the Twenty-fifth Regiment (colored). United States Infantry, 
■ow quartered at Fort Logan, Denver. We have asked the chaplain, _T. 
G. Steward, to recite the events at El-Caney. His modesty confines him 
to the barest recital of "semi-official" records. But the charge of th# 
Twenty-fifth is deserving of comparison with that of "the Light Brigade" 
ia the Crimean War, or of Custer at the massacre of the Big Horn. 
(Editorial in religious paper.) 



•34 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 



This troop reached Colonel Wood's right and made the line 
continuous so that there was now a force in front of that 
ridge where the Spaniards were securely entrenched and from 
which they were pouring- their enfilading fire uoon Colonel 
Wood's line. Troop A, although coming into the line, did not 
fire. Their presence, however, gave the Rough Riders the 
assurance that their flank was saved. Troop E was command- 
ed by Captain C. G. Ayres with Second Lieutenant George Vid- 
mar. This troop was placed by General Young in support of 
Captain Watson's two Hotchkiss guns, and also of the troops 
in their front. The troop was under fire one hour and a quar- 
ter, during which they were in plain view of the Spaniards, 
who also had their exact range. One man was killed and one 
wounded. Their courage, coolness and discipline in this trying 
hour and a quarter were of the very highest order. The troop 
commander says: "Their coolness and fine discipline were 
superb." This troop did not fire a shot. Thus one-half of the 
squadron moved to its positions and held them without being 
able to do any damage to the enemy, as they were carrying out to 
the letter their instructions, which were to fire only when they 
could see the enemy. Troop B was commanded by Captain 
J. W. Watson with H. O. Willard as Second Lieutenant. A 
detachment of this troop was placed in charge of four Hotch- 
kiss mountain guns. This detachment opened fire upon the 
en€my, using the ammunition sparingly, as they had but fifty 
rounds with them. Twenty-two shots were fired, apparently 
with effect. The remainder of the troop under Lieutenant Wil- 
liard was ordered to move out to the extreme right, which 
would place it beyond the line of the First Cavalry, thus bring- 
ing that regiment between Troop A of the Tenth, which con- 
nected it with the Rough Riders and Troop B, which was to 
be on its extreme right. Lieutenant Williard's report of this 
movement is as follows : 



FJRST BATTLK IN CUBA 135 

"1 ordered the troop forward at once, telling them to take ad- 
vantage of all cover available. In the meantime the volleys 
from the Spanish were coming in quite frequently and striking 
the ground on all sides near where we were. I found it very 
difficult to move the men forward after having found cover, and 
ran back to a portion of the troop near an old brick wall, and 
ordered them forward at once. They then made a dash forward, 
and in doing so three or four men were wounded, Private Rus- 
sell severely. Who the others were I do not know. We encoun- 
tered a severe fire directly after this move forward ; and Private 
Wheeler was wounded in the left leg. There was a wire fence on 
our right, and such thick underbrush that we were unable to get 
through right there, so had to follow along the fence for some 
distance before being able to penetrate. Finally, was able tc* 
get the greater proportion of my men through, and about thi& 
time I met Lieutenants Fleming and Miller, Tenth Cavalry,, 
moving through the thicket at my left. I there heard the order 
passed on 'not to lire ahead,' as there was danger of firing into 
our own forces. In the meantime there was shouting from the 
First Cavalry in our front, 'Don't fire on us in rear.' My troop 
had not fired a shot to my knowledge, nor the knowledge of any 
non-commissioned officers in the troop. About this time I 
found I was unable to keep the troop deployed, as they would 
huddle up behind one rock or tree, so I gave all sergeants orders 
to move out on the extreme right and to keep in touch with 
those on their left. Then, with a squad of about five men, I 
moved to the right front, and was unfortunate enough to lose 
the troop, i. e.. I could see nothing of them except the men 
with me. 

"But as I had given explicit instructions to my sergeant, in 
case I was lost from them, to continue to advance until halted 
by some one in authority, I moved ahead myself, hoping to find 
them later on. In making a rush forward three men of my 
squad were lost from me in some way. I still had two men 
with me, Privates Combs and Jackson, and in the next advance 
made I picked up a First Cavalry sergeant who had fallen out 
from exhaustion. After a terrific climb up the ridge in front 
of me, and a very regular though ineffective fire from the enemy 
kept up until we were about sixty yards from the summit of 
hill, we reached the advance line of the First United States Cav- 
alry, under command of Captain Wainwright. I then reported 



136 KIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 

to him for orders, and moved forward when he next advanced. 
The firing had coased, and no more shots wer fired, to my 
knowledge, after this time. With the First Cavalry, Troop G, 
we followed along the right of the ridge and came down to the 
right front, encountering no opposition or fire from the enemy, 
but finding the enemy's breastworks in confusion, ammunition 
and articles of clothing scattered around; also one dead Span- 
iard and two Mauser rifles. At the foot of the ridge we met some 
of the First Volunteer Cavalry, and being utterly exhausted. 
I was obliged to lie down. Soon after, Captain Mills, adjutant- 
general of Second Brigade, Cavalry Division, came up to where 
I was and placed me in command of Troop K, First United 
States Cavalry, whose officers were wounded. I then marched 
them forward on the road to where General Wheeler was sit- 
ting, and received orders from Colonel Wood. First Volunteer 
Cavalry, to remain until further orders and make no further ad- 
vance. Directly afterwards, learning the action was over, I 
reported back to General Young, and received orders to remain 
camped with the First Cavalry Squadron, where the action had 
closed. In the meantime, I should have stated that I found the 
principal part of my troop and collected them and left them 
under the first sergeant, when I went back to receive orders. So 
far as I knov/, and to the best of my knowledge, the men of my 
troop acted with the greatest bravery, advancing on an enemy 
who could not be seen, and subjected to a severe and heavy 
tire at each step, which v/as only rendered ineffective to a great 
degree by the poor marksmanship of the enemy, as many times 
we were in sight of them (I discovered this by observation after 
the engagement) while we could see nothing. We were also 
subjected to a severe reverse fire from the hills in our right rear, 
several men being wounded by this fire. Throughout the fight 
the men acted with exceptional coolness, in my judgment. The 
casualties were : Privates Russell. Braxton and Morris, severely 
wounded; Privates F. A. Miller, Grice, Vv^heeler and Gaines, 
slightly wounded, i. e., less severely. None killed. 
Very respectfully, 

HENRY O. WILLIARD. 

June 24, 1898. 

Troop B, Tenth Cavalry, during action near La Guasima, 
Second Licutenant.Tenth United States Cavalry, Commanding. 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 137 

Troop I of the Tenth Cavalry was commanded by First 
Lieutenant R. J. Fleming with Second Lieutenant A. M. 
Miller. This troop moved to the right and wedged in between 
B Troop and the right of the First Cavalry. Lieutenant Flem- 
ing discovered the enemy posted on the high ridge immediately 
in front of his troop, and also extending to his right, in front 
of B Troop. Moving his troop a little to the right so as to 
secure room to advance without coming in contact with the 
First Cavalry, he then directed his course straight toward the 
hill on which he had located the enemy. The advance was 
made with great caution, the men seeking cover wherever pos- 
sible, ind dashing across the open spaces at full run. Thus 
they moved until the base of the steep part of the hill was 
reached. This was found very difficult of ascent, not only be- 
cause of the rugged steepness, but also on account of the un- 
derbrush, and the sharp-leaved grass, the cacti and Spanish 
bayonet, that grow on all these hillsides. Paths had to be cut 
through these prickly obstructions with knives and sabres. 
Consequently the advance up that hill, though free from peril, 
was very slow and trying. Twice during the advance the men 
obtained a view of their enemies and were permitted to fire. 
The instructions were rigidly adhered to : No firing only at 
the visible foe. Lieutenant Fleming says : "Owing to the un- 
derbrusli it was impossible for me to see but a very few men 
at a time, but as they all arrived on the crest about the time 
I did, or shortly after, they certainly advanced steadily." He 
says : "The entire troop behaved with great coolness and 
obeyed every order." Farrier Sherman Harris, Wagoner John 
Boland and Private Elsie Jones especially distinguished them- 
selves for coolness and gallantry. The aggressive work of the 
Tenth Cavalry, therefore, appears to have been done by Troops 
B and I, a detachment of the former troop serving the Hotch- 



138 KJRST BATTLE IN CUBA 

kiss gun battery. Troop I was commanded by Lieutenant 
Fleming and by him conducted to the front, although he ad- 
mits that in their advance up the slope of the hill he could see 
but very few of the men at a time, and declares that their ad- 
vance was certainly steady, because all arrived at the crest of 
the hill simultaneously or nearly so. 

Lieutenant Fleming does not show that his troop of excellent 
men were in any sense peculiarly dependent upon their white 
officers as some have asserted. They advanced steadily, just 
as the regulars always do, advanced noiselessly and without 
any reckless firing, and reached the crest of the hill in order, 
although he could not see them as they were making their ad- 
vance. They kept their line despite all the obstructions. Lieu- 
tenant Fleming also says that in moving to his position he 
passed Troop B, which then "inclined to the right, and during 
the remainder of the action was on my right." Troop B, there- 
fore, went through about the same experience as Troop I, and 
being on the extreme right of the line may have been more di- 
rectly in front of that foe which Fleming says was in his front 
and to the right. Why did not the officer who directed or led 
B Troop in its advance upon the enemy report the action of his 
troop as vividly and generously as did Lieutenant Fleming 
the men of Troop I ? With not the slightest reflection upon the 
gallant officer, he himself has the manliness to say he was so 
unfortunate as to lose the troop. The troop, however, did not 
become demoralized, but went into action under command of 
its First Sergeant, JoJm Buck* and remained on Lieutenant 
Fleming's right during the action. It has been proven more 
than once that should the commissioned officeis of a company 
or troop of colored regulars be killed or incapacitated, the non-^ 



*.See Note C at the end of this chapter. 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA »39 

commissioned officers can carry on the fight. Speaking of this 
same regiment it is equally true that at San Juan the officers 
of Troops D and G were all shot and the commands of these 
troops fell to their First Sergeants, the first to Sergeant Wil- 
liam H. Given, the second to Sergeant Saint Foster, and it is 
generally understood that these two men were appointed Lieu- 
tenants of Volunteers because of their success in handling 
their troops in battle. 

The entire attacking force at this end of the line, if we count 
only those engaged in actual firing, consisted of two troops of 
the Tenth Cavalry and two of the First Cavalry— four troops 
— while to the left the entire eight troops were on the firing 
line. The action of the troops of the First Cavalry was quite 
similar to that of the troops of the Tenth Cavalry, and equally 
deserving of commendation. Of them all General Young says : 

"The ground over which the right column advanced was a 
mass of jungle growth, with wire fences, not to be seen until 
encountered, and precipitous heights as the ridge was ap- 
proached. It was impossible for the troops to keep in touch 
along the front, and they could only judge of the enemy from 
the sound and direction of his fire. However, had it not been 
for this dense jungle, the attack would not have been made 
against an overv/helming force in such a position. Headway 
was so difficult that advance and support became merged and 
moved forward under a continuous volley firing, supplemented 
by that of two rapid-fire guns. Return firing by my force was 
only made as here and there a small clear spot gave a sight of 
the enemy. The fire discipline of these particular troops was 
almost perfect. The ammunition expended by the two squad- 
rons engaged in an incessant advance for one hour and fifteen 
minutes averaged less than ten rounds per man. The fine qual- 
ity of these troops is also shown by the fact that there v/as not a 
single straggler, and in not one instance was an attempt Made 
by any soldier to fall out in the advance to assist the. wounded 
or carry back the dead. The fighting on the left fiank was 
equally creditable and was remarkable, and I believe unprece- 
dented, in volunter troops so quickly raised, armed and 
equipped." 



140 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 



The five hundred men of Colonel Wood's regiment were 
stretched over a space of 800 to 1,000 yards, and were entirely 
without support or reserve, and appear to have advanced to a 
point where this very strong force on the right swept a good 
part of their Hne both with rifle fire and the fire of their two 
machine guns. Men and officers were falling under both the 
front and flank fire of the enemy, and had not the squadrons 
of the First and Tenth made their successful assault upon that 
ridge, which, according to General Wood's report, was "very 
strongly held," the situation of the Rough Riders would have 
been extreme. Because this successful assault was participated 
in by the Tenth Cavalry the story arose that the Rough Riders 
were rescued by that regiment. The fair statement would be : 
That the Regular Cavalry, consisting of a squadron of the 
First and a squadron of the Tenth, made their advance on the 
right at the precise moment to deliver the Rough Riders from 
a fire that threatened their annihilation. The marksmanship 
and coolness of the men of the Tenth have been specially com- 
mented upon and their fire was described as very effective, but 
the same remarks could be made of the men of the First, who 
fought side by side with them. It is probable that the volun- 
teers advanced more rapidly than did the regulars, using more 
ammunition, and manifesting a very high degree of courage 
and enthusiasm as well as deliberation; but the regulars 
reached their objective at the proper time to turn the battle's 
tide. Each advancing column was worthy to be com.panion to 
the other. 

General Wheeler said the fire was very hot for about an 
hour, and "at 8.30 sent a courier to General Lawton informing 
him that he was engaged with a larger force of the enemy than 
was anticipated, and asked that his force be sent forward on 
the Sevilla road as quickly as possible." ("In Cuba With 



FIRST BATTLF IN CUBA I41 

Shafter," p. 83.) General Lawton, however, with the true in- 
stinct of a soldier had already sent orders to General Chaffee 
to move forward with the First Brigade. The Second Brigade 
was also in readiness to move and the men of the Twenty-fifth 
were expecting to go forward to take a position on the right 
and if possible a little to the rear of the Spanish entrenchments 
in order to cut off their retreat. The rapid movements of the 
cavalry division, however, rendered this unnecessary, and the 
routing of the foe gave to the Americans an open country and 
cleared the field for the advance on Santiago. The first battle 
had been fought, and the Americans had been victorious, but 
not without cost. Sixteen men had been killed and fifty-two 
wounded. In Colonel Wood's regiment eight had been killed 
and thirty-four wounded; in the First Cavalry, seven killed 
and eight wounded; in the Tenth Cavalry, one killed and ten 
wounded. The percentage of losses to the whole strength of 
the several organizations engaged was as follows: Rough 
Riders, over 8 per cent. ; First Cavalry, over 6 per cent. ; Tenth 
Cavalry, 5 per cent. But if we take those on the firing line as 
the base the rate per cent, of losses among the resrulars would 
be doubled, while that of the volunteers would remain the 
same. 

The strength of the enemy in this battle is given in the Span- 
ish official reports, according to Lieutenant Miley, at about 
five hundred, and their losses are put at nine killed and twenty- 
seven wounded. At the time of the fight it was supposed to be 
much larger. General Young's report places the estimates at 
2,000, and adds "that it has since been learned from Spanish 
sources to have been 2,500. The Cuban military authorities 
claim the Spani-sh strength was 4,000." These figures are 
doubtless too high. The force overtaken at Las Guasimas was 
the same force that evacuated Siboney at the approach of Law- 



U2 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 



ton and the force with which the Cubans had fought on the 
morning of the 23rd. It may have consisted solely of the g^ar- 
rison from Siboney, although it is more probable that it in- 
cluded also those from Daiquiri and Jutici, as it is quite certain 
that all these troops proceeded toward Santiago over the same 
road. The force at Siboney had been given by the Cubans at 
600, at Daiquiri at 300, and at Jutici at 150. If these had con- 
centrated and the figures were correct, the Spanish force at 
Guasimas was upwards of 1,000. If, however, it was the force 
from Siboney alone, it was about as the Spanish official report 
gives it. On this latter basis, however, the losses are out of 
proportion, for while the attacking party lost a little less than 
7 per cent, of its entire strength in killed and wounded, the 
losses of the entrenched, defending party, were even a little 
greater, or over 7 per cent, of its strength. It is, therefore, 
probable that the Spanish force was greater than officially re- 
ported and included the troops from the other posts as well as 
those from Siboney. The engagement was classed by General 
Shafter as unimportant, although its effect upon our army was 
inspiring. It did not cut off the retreat of the Spanish force, 
and the men who faced our army at Guasimas met them again 
in the trenches before Santiago. General Shafter desired to 
advance with his whole force, and cautioned strongly against 
any further forward movement until the troops were well in 
hand. The two battles between the Cubans and Spaniards, 
fought on the 23rd, in which the Cubans had sixteen men 
wounded and two killed, were engagements of some conse- 
quence, although we have no reports of them. There is no evi- 
dence that the Cubans took part in the battle of Guasimas, al- 
though they arrived on the grounds immediately after the firing 
ceased. 

The story thus far told is, as the reader cannot fail to see, 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 143 

directly from official records, and the conclusions arrived at 
are those which result naturally from the facts as therein de- 
tailed. Not one word is quoted from any but military men — 
actors in the affair. We may now go briefly over the same 
ground, giving the views and conclusions of able civilian cor- 
respondents who followed the army to see what was done, and 
who were trained observers and skilled writers. How have 
these able war journalists told the story of Las Guasimas? 

To quote from Stephen Bonsai in substance, not in words, 
is to contradict what General Shafter says officially in one par- 
ticular, but in no such way as to discredit the General, or to 
weaken Bonsai. It is not a case of bringing two universal, an- 
tagonistic propositions face to face, but a case where two men 
of different training look upon an action from different stand- 
points and through different field-glasses. General Shafter 
says of the collision of the Rough Riders with the Spanish 
force: "There was no ambush as reported." As a military 
man, he says there was no more concealment on the part of the 
Spanish force than what an attacking party should expect, no 
more than what is usual in modern warfare, hence he does not 
regard it as an ambush, and does not officially take notice of 
any surprise or unexpected encounter on the part of his force. 
To do so would be to reflect, however slightly, upon the pro- 
fessional skill of the commander of the left column. Gen- 
eral Shafter thus says officially in a manly way : "There was 
no ambush." Beyond this his duty does not call him to go, 
and he halts his expressions exactly at this line, maintaining 
in his attitude all the attributes of the true soldier, placing 
himself beyond criticism by thus securing from attack the char- 
acter of his subordinate. 

Mr. Bonsai is a writer and author, accustomed to view ac- 
tions in the broader light of popular judgment, entirely free 



144 



KI?IST P.ATTLE IN' CUBA 



from professional bias, and having no class-feeling or obliga- 
tions to serve. His pen is not official; his statements are 
not from the military standpoint ; not influenced in any way by- 
considerations of personal weal or woe with respect to others 
or himself. He says that one troop of the Rough Riders, 
Troop L, commanded by Captain Capron, was leading the ad- 
vance of the regiment, and was in solid formation and within 
twenty-five yards of its scouting line when it received the en- 
emy's fire. This troop was so far in the advance that it took 
the other troops of the regiment more than a half hour to get 
up to it. The writer speaks of the advance of that troop as hav- 
ing been made "in the fool-hardy formation of a solid column 
along a narrow trail, which brought them, in the way I have 
described, within point-blank range of the Spanish rifles, and 
within the unobstructed sweep of their machine guns." He 
sums up as follows : "And if it is to be ambushed when you 
receive the enemy's fire perhaps a quarter of an hour before 
it was expected, and when the troop was in a formation, and 
the only one in which, in view of the nature of the ground it 
was possible to advance quickly, then most certainly L Troop 
of the Rough Riders was ambushed by the Spaniards on the 
morning of June 24th.*' 

Mr. Bonsai also brings into clear view the part taken in this 
battle by Lawton's Infantry. He shows by means of a simple 
map the trail by which Miles' brigade, in which was the 
Twenty-fifth Infantry, moved in order to flank the Spanish 
position, while Chafifee's brigade was hurrying forward on the 
Royal Road to reinforce the line in front. A letter from a 
soldier of the Twenty-fifth written soon after these events fully 
confirms Mr. Bonsai in what he says concerning the movement 
of Miles' brigade. The soldier says : "On the morning of the 
24th the Rough Riders, Tenth and First Cavalry were to make 



FIRST FATTI.K IN' CUBA 1 45 

an attack on a little place where the Spanish were fortified. 
The Second Brigade was to come on the right flank of these 
troops and a little in rear of the fortifications; but by some 
misunderstanding, the former troops, led by the Rough Riders, 
made an attack before we got our position, and the result was 
a great many lives lost in the First Ccvalry and Rough Riders 
— only one in Tenth Cavalry, but many wounded. They cap- 
tured the fortification." This letter by a humble soldier, writ- 
ten with no thought of its importance, shows how gallantly 
Lawton had sprung to the rescue of Wheeler's division. Ac- 
cording to Bonsai, who 'says he obtained his information from 
Spanish officers who were present in this fight, it was the in- 
formation of the approach of this brigade and of Chaffee's up 
the main road that caused the Spaniards to withdraw rapidly 
from the position. The whole force was in imminent danger 
of being captured. Another soldier of the Twenty-fifth wrote : 
"The report came that the Twenty-fifth Infantry was to cut 
off the Spanish retreat from a stronghold, toward Santiago." 
These glimpses from soldiers' letters illustrate how clearly 
they comprehended the work upon which they were sent, and 
show also how hearty and cordial was the support which the 
infantry at that time was hurrying forward to the advancing 
cavalry. 

The official reports show that the strength of the Spanish 
position was before the right of our line. Mr. Bonsai says: 
"Directly in front of the Tenth Cavalry rose undoubtedly the 
strongest point in the Spanish position — two lines of shallow 
trenches, strengthened by heavy stone parapets." We must re- 
member that so far as we can get the disposition of these troops 
from official records, Troop A connected the Rough Riders 
with the First Cavalry, and Troops I and B were on the right 
of the First Cavalry. Troop A did not fire a shot; the fight- 



1^6 riRST B.\ril.K IN CUBA 

ing, therefore, was done by Troops I and B on the extreme 
right of the line, and it was on their front that "undoubtedly 
the strongest point in the Spanish position" lay — nor should 
the reader forget that at this very important moment Troop 
B was commanded by its First Sergeant, Buck, Lieutenant 
Williard having by his own report been "unfortunate enough 
to lose the troop." This is said with no disparagement to 
Lieutenant Williard. It was merely one of the accidents of 
battle. 

Says Mr. Bonsai : "The moment the advance was ordered 
the black troopers of the Tenth Cavalry forged ahead. They 
were no braver certainly than any other men in the line, but 
their better training enabled them to render more valuable 
services than the other troops engaged. They had with them 
and ready for action their machine guns, and shoved them right 
up to the front on the firing line, from where they poured very 
effective fire into the Spanish trenches, which not only did con- 
siderable execution, but was particualrly effective in keeping 
down the return fire of the Spaniards. The machine guns o£ 
the Rough Riders were mislaid, or the mules upon which they 
had been loaded could not be found at this juncture. It was 
said they had bolted. It is certain, however, that the guns were 
not brought into action, and consequently the Spaniards suf- 
fered less, and the Rough Riders more, in the gallant charge 
they made up the hill in front of them, after the Tenth Cavalry 
had advanced and driven the Spaniards from their position on 
the right." 

Corporal W. F. Johnson, B Troop, was the non-commis- 
sioned officer in charge of the machine guns during the brief 
fight at Las Guasimas, and his action was such as to call forth 
from the troop commander special mention "for his efficiency 
and perfect coolness under fire." Here I may be pardoned 



FIRST BATTLE Ih CUBA 1 47 

for calling attention to a notion too prevalent concerning the 
Negro soldier in time of battle. He is too often represented 
as going into action singing like a zany or yelling like a demon, 
rather than as a man calculating the chances for life and vic- 
tory. The official reports from the Black Regulars in Cuba 
ought to correct this notion. Every troop and company com- 
mander, who has reported upon colored soldiers in that war, 
speaks of the coolness of the men of his command. Captain 
Beck, of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, in the Guasimas fight, says : 
"I will add that the enlisted men of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, 
behaved well, silently and alertly obeying orders, and without 
becoming excited when the fire of the einemy reached them." 
The yell, in the charge of the regulars, is a part of the action, 
and is no more peculiar to Negro troops than to the whites, 
only as they may differ in the general timbre of voice. Black 
American soldiers when not on duty may sing more than white 
troops, but in quite a long experience among them I have not 
found the difference so very noticeable. In all garrisons one 
will find some men more musically inclined than others; some 
who love to sing and some who do not ; some who have voices 
adapted to the production of musical tones, and some who have 
not, and it is doubtless owing to these constitutional differ- 
ences that we find differences in habits and expressions. 

Lieutenant Miley, of General Shafter's staff, in his description 
of the departure of General Shafter from General Garcia's tent, 
gives us a glimpse of the character of the men that composed 
the Cuban army in that vicinity. 

"While the interview was going on, the troops were being 
assembled to do honor to the General on his departure. Sev- 
eral companies were drawn up in front of the tent to present 
arms as he came out, and a regiment escorted him to the beach 
down the winding path, which was now lined on both sides by 
Cuban soldiers standing about a yard apart and presenting 
arms. The scene made a strong impression on all in the party, 
there seemed to be such an earnestness and fixedness of purpose 



J 48 FIRST BATFLE IN CUBA 

displayed that all felt these soldiers to be a power. About fiftj 
per cent, were blacks, and the rest mulattoes, with a small num- 
ber of whites. They were very poorly clad, many without shirts 
or shoes, but every man had his ^un and a belt full of ammuni- 
tion." 

B. 

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM A SOLDIER OF 

THE loTH CAVALRY, TROOP B, CONCERNING 

THE BATTLE OF LAS GUASIMAS: 

"... The platoon which escaped this ditch got on the right 
of the 1st Cavalry on the firing line, and pushed steadily forward 
under First Sergeant Buck, being then in two squads — one 
under Sergeant Thompson. On account of the nature of the 
ground and other natural obstacles, there were men not con- 
nected with any squads, but who advanced with the line. 

Both squads fired by volley and at will, at the command of ihe 
sergeants named ; and their shots reached the enemy and were 
effective, as it is generally believed. 

Private W. M. Bunn, of Sergeant Thompson's squad, is re- 
ported to have shot a sharpshooter from a tree just in front of 
the enemy's work. Private Wheeler was shot twice in the ad- 
vance. Sergeant Thompson's squad was once stopped from fir- 
ing by General Wheeler's adjutant-general for fear of hitting 
the Rough Riders. 

It seems that two distinct battles were fought that day. Col- 
onel Wood's command struck the enemy at about the iume time, 
or probably a litle before, ours did, and all unknov»'n to the men 
in our ranks ; and get themselves into a pretty tight squeeze. 
.\bout the same time our force engaged the enem.y ; nd drew 
part of the attention they were giving the Rough Riders. This, 
the latter claimed, enabled them to continue the movement on 
tliP enemy's works. 

But as our command had an equal number of ist and loth 
Cavalrymen, I am of the opinion that the story of our saving 
the Rough Riders arose from the fact that as -ioon is the fight 
was over, the ist Regular Cavalry was opening its arms to us. 
declaring that w^e, especially B Troop, had saved 'hem; for the 
1st Regular Cavalry was first in the attack in General Young's 
command; and when the enemy began to make it pietty warm, 
he ordered B and I Troops of the lOth forward on the right. 



FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 149 

Troop B was in the lead ; and the alacrity with which these two 
troops moved to the front has always been praised by the ist 
Cavalry ; and they declare that that movement helped them won- 
derfully. In making this movement my troop had three or four 
men wounded; and later, when Sergeant Thompson's squad 
was fighting far to the front, it had in it several members of tfie 
I St Cavalry, who are always glad to praise him. 

So, I think that by the Rough Riders first attributing their 
success, or their rescue from inevitable defeat, to the attack 
made by our command; and by the ist Regular Cavalry's very 
generously, in the heat of success, bestowing upon us the 
honors of the day, it finally became a settled thing that we saved 
the whole battle. 

That evening, after the battle, 1 was met by Lieutenant Shipp, 
later killed at San Juan Hill, who, on inquiring and being told 
that I belonged to Troop B, congratulated me on its conduct, 
and said it had made a name for the regiment. Lieutenant 
Shipp was not in that fight, but had come up after it was over 
and had heard of us through the ist Cavalry." 

C 

Sergeant John Buck was born September loth, 1861, at 
Chapel Hill, Texas; enUsted in loth Cavalry, November 6, 1880, 
and passed over ten years in active Indian service. He is a man 
of strong character, an experienced horseman and packer, and 
so commanded a portion of the firing line in the battle of June 
24 as to elicit remarks of praise from officers of other troops 
"■for his gallantry, coolness and good judgment under fire." 
Sergeant Thompson's good conduct in the same battle was 
noticeable also. Sergeant Buck was made second lieutenant in 
the 7th U. S. Volunteer Infantry and subsequently captain in 
the 48th United States Volunteers. 



>5o 



THE BAITLE OF EL CANKY 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY. 
The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry. 

While the battle of Guasimas was going on, in which the 
Tenth Cavlary took so conspicuous a part, the Twenty-fourth 
Infantry still remained on board the City of Washington 
awaiting orders to land. During the night of the 24th such or- 
ders were received by the authorities of the transport, and 
they were directed to land their troops, but the General Com- 
manding, Brigadier-General Kent, did not hear of the matter 
until some time the next morning. He relates the following 
circumstances in his official report of the debarkation : 

"At 9 a. m. of the 25th Lieutenant Cardin, of the Revenue 
Marine, came aboard with orders for me to proceed to and 
disembark at Altares (Siboney). This officer also handed me 
a letter from the corps commander expressing his astonishment 
that I had remained away three days." 

General Kent also states in his report that his travel rations 
had been exhausted seven days before and that but one meal of 
field rations remained, and that the ship's supply both of water 
and provisions was running low, and that in consequence of 
these facts as well as for higher considerations he was very 
anxious to get on shore. The debarkation followed as rapidly 
as possible, and that afternoon General Kent reported in persot* 
to Major-General Wheeler, the troops bivouacking for the 
night near the landing. The next day Colonel Pearson, who 
commanded the Second Brigade of Kent's division, took the 



THE BAITLP Ol- K). CANEV I5« 

Second Infantry and reconnoitred along the railroad toward 
the Morro, going a distance of about six miles and returning 
in the evening, having found no enemy in that vicinity, al- 
though evidences were found that a force had recently retreated 
from a blockhouse situated on the railroad about two miles 
from Aguadores. 

On the day following, June 27th, the entire division moved 
out on the road toward Santiago and encamped on the same 
ground that Lawton had occupied the night previous. The 
Second Brigade took its place near Savilla, while the Third 
Brigade, which included the Twenty- fourth Infantry, went into 
camp at Las Guasimas, where the affair of the 24th had oc- 
curred. The order of march had now partially fallen back to 
the original plan: Lawton in advance, with whom was the 
Twenty-Fifth Infantry; Wheeler next, with whom was the 
Ninth and Tenth Cavalry, and Kent in the rear, who had, as 
we have just related, the Twenty-fourth Infantry in his Third 
Brigade. In this order the army moved, so far as it moved at 
all, until the morning of the 30th, when dispositions for the 
general attack began. 

The story of the great battle, or as it turned out, of the 
two great battles, begins on this day, and the careers of the 
four colored regiments are to be followed through the divisions 
of Lawton, Kent and Wheeler. Let us begin, however, with 
General Shafter's official report and his "Story of Santiago," 
as told in the "Century" of February, 1899. 

From these sources it is learned that on June 30th General 
Shafter reconnoitered the country about Santiago and deter- 
mined upon a plan of attack. Ascending a hill from which he 
could obtain a good view of the city, and could also see San 
Juan Hill and the country about El Caney, he observed afresh 



'5* 



THE BATTLE OF EL CAN EY 



what had impressed itself upon all immediately upon landing, 
to wit : That in all this country there were no good roads 
along which to move troops or transport supplies. The Gen- 
eral says : "I had never seen a good road in a Spanish coun- 
try, and Santiago did not disappoint my expectations." The 
roads as he saw them from the summit of the hill on June 30th 
were very poor, and indeed, little better than bridle paths, ex- 
cept between El Caney and San Juan River and the city. Witli- 
in this region, a distance of from four to four and a half miles, 
the roads were passable. El Caney lay about four miles north- 
east of Santiago, and was strongly fortified, and, as events 
proved, strongly garrisoned. This position was of great im- 
portance to the enemy, because from it a force might come to 
Ettack the right flank and rear of the American Army as it 
should make its attempt on San Juan Hill. El Caney held the 
road from Guantanamo, at which point an important Spanish 
force was posted. While General Shafter was surveying the 
country from the hill at El Pozo and making what special ex- 
amination he could of the country toward San Juan Hills, 
Generals Lawton and Chaffee were making a reconnoisance 
around El Caney. From General Lawton's report it would ap- 
pear that the work of reconnoitering around El Caney was 
done chiefly by General Chaffee. He says : "To General Adna 
R. ChafTee I am indebted for a thorough and intelligent recon- 
noissance of the town of El Caney and vicinity prior to the bat- 
tle and the submission of a plan of attack which was adopted. 
I consider General Chafifee one of the best practical soldiers 
in the army and recommend him for fecial distinction for suc- 
cessfully charging the stone fort mentioned in this report, the 
capture of which practically closed the battle." 

The general plan of attadc as explained by General Shafter 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 153 

himself in his "Century" article was "to put a brigade on the 
road between Santiago and El Caney, to keep the Spaniards 
at the latter place from retreating on the city, and then with 
the rest of Lawton's division and the divisions of Wheeler and 
Kent, and Bates' brigade to attack the Spanish position in 
front of Santiago." Before that he had said that he wished to 
put a division in on the right of El Caney and assault the town 
on that road. To Admiral Sampson on June 26th he said : 
"I shall, if I can, put a large force in Caney, and one perhaps 
still farther west, near the pipe-line conveying water to the 
city, making my main attack from the northeast and east." His 
desire at this time was to "get the enemy in my front and the 
city at my back." On June 30th he had modified this plan so 
as to decide to place one brigade on the road between El Caney 
and Santiago, with a view merely to keeping the El Caney gar- 
rison from retreating into Santiago. 

As he was explaining his plan to the division officers and 
others on the afternoon of the 30th at his own headquarters, 
Lawton and Chaffee were of the opinion that they could dis- 
pose of the Spaniards at El Caney in two hours time. "There- 
fore," says the General, "I modified my plan, assigning Law- 
ton's whole division for the attack of El Caney and directed 
Bates' independent brigade to his support." This last modifica- 
tion of General Shafter's plan was made in deference to the 
opinion of subordinates, and was based upon observations made 
especially by General Chaffee. 

The force assigned for the reduction of El Caney was to be- 
gin its work early in the morning, and by ten or eleven o'clock 
at the outside it was expected that the task would be accom- 
plished and Lawton would join Kent and Sumner in the as- 
sault upon San Juan. Early on the morning of July ist Cap- 



154 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 



ron's battery was got into position on a line running directly 
north from Marianage on a hill about five hundred yards east 
of Las Guasimas Creek. Lawton's division began its move on 
the afternoon of the 30th, as did in fact the whole army, and 
bivouacked that night near El Pozo. The Twenty-fifth In- 
fantry, which belonged to the Second Brigade, commanded 
by Colonel Miles, a former Major of the Twenty-fifth, left El 
Pozo at daylight by way of the road leading almost due north, 
and marched about one mile to the little town of Marianage. 
Here a halt was made for an hour, from 6.30 to 7.30, during 
which time reconnoitering parties were sent out to examine 
the ground toward the Ducoureau House, which lay about one 
mile to the northward of Marianage, and which had been desig- 
nated by General Lawton as a general rendezvous after the 
engagement should terminate. Reconnoissance was made also 
to the front for the purpose of discovering the enemy, and to 
ascertain the left of Ludlow's brigade. This was the first 
brigade of Lawton's division and consisted of the Eighth and 
Twenty-second Infantry and the Second Massachusetts, the 
last named regiment being on the right. The Second Brigade 
was to connect with this on its right and succeeded in finding 
the position of the Second Massachusetts during this halt. At 
11.30 Miles' brigade was ordered to take position on the right 
of Ludlow's brigade, which it did in the following order : The 
Fourth Infantry on the left, joining with the Second Massa- 
chusetts on Ludlow's right ; the Twenty-fifth on the right, with 
its left joining on the Fourth Infantry. 

We must now review the progress of the battle so far as 
it is possible to do so, from the firing: of the first shot bv 
Capron's battery up to 11.30, an hour long after the time at 
which it had been supposed that El Caney would fall. Cap- 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 15$ 

ron's reports are very brief. He says : "July i — Fired sheli 
and shrappnel into El Caney (ranged 2.400) 6.15 a. m. to 
11.30 a. m." In another report he says: "Opened fire July 
I, with shell and shrappnel at 6.15 on Caney; range, 2,400 
yards; continued until 11.30 a. m." He says that the battery 
"continued its fire against specified objectives intermittently 
throughout the day under the personal direction of the divis- 
ion commander." The forces we have so far considered, con- 
sisting of Ludlow's and Miles' brigades, and of Capron's bat- 
tery, lay to the south of Caney, between it and Santiago, Lud- 
low's brigade having been placed there to "cut off the retreat 
of the garrison should it attempt to escape." Up to 1 1.30 there 
had been no call for employing it for that purpose. The gar- 
rison had made no attempt to escape. We must now go 
around to the east and north of Caney. Here the Third Bri- 
gade, consisting of the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth In- 
fantry, was posted, and early in the morning joined in the at- 
tack, the brigade getting under fire before eight o'clock. Col- 
onel Carpenter, of the Seventh Regiment, says that one com- 
pany of his regiment, by General Chafifee's direction, was de- 
tached and sent forward to reduce a blockhouse, well up on 
the hilL which commanded the approach of his regiment to the 
field of action. After several ineffectual attempts by the com- 
pany, the Captain (Van Orsdale) was directed to abandon the 
undertaking and rejoin the regiment, which then took up a 
position on the crest of a hill running nearly parallel with the 
Spanish lines. From this position the men crawled forward 
about fifty yards and opened a deliberate fire upon the enemy, 
keeping it up for about an hour, but as the losses of the regi- 
ment at this time were considerable and the fire seemed to be 
without material effect, the command was withdrawn to its 



156 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

position on the hill where it found protection in a sunken road. 
In this condition this regiment lay when Capron's battery made 
its lull at 11.30. The fearful fire this regiment met can be 
estimated by the losses it sustained, which during the day were 
as follows : Killed ,1 officer and 33 enlisted men; wounded, 4 
officers and 95 enlisted men; missing, 3 enlisted men. The 
Seventeenth Regiment went into action on the right of the 
Seventh, doing but little firing, as their orders were not to 
open fire unless they could make the fire effective. Companies 
C and G fired a few volleys ; the remainder of the regiment did 
not fire at all. Four enlisted men were killed and two officers 
severely wounded, one. Lieutenant Dickinson, dying from his 
wounds within a few hours. Several enlisted men were also 
wounded. At 11.30 this regiment was lying on the right of 
the Seventh. The Twelfth Regiment began firing between 6 
and 7 in the morning and advanced to take its position on the 
left of the Seventh Infantry. This regiment early reached a 
position within 350 yards of the enemy, in which it found 
shelter in the sunken road, "free from the enemy's fire." The 
regiment remained in this position until about 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon, and, hence, was there at 11.30 a. m. The losses 
of this regiment during the day were, killed, 7 enlisted men; 
wounded, 2 officers and 31 enlisted men. From these brief 
sketches the reader will now be able to grasp the position of 
Lawton's entire division. Beginning on the south, from the 
west, with Ludlow's brigade, consisting of the Twenty-second, 
Eighth and Second Massachusetts, the line was continued by 
Miles' brigade of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry; then 
passing over a considerable space, we strike Chaffee's brigade, 
IK)sted as has just been described. General Bates' brigade prob- 
ably arrived upon the field about noon. This brigade consisted 



THE BATTLE OF EK CANEY I 57 

of the Third and Twentieth Infantry, and is known as "Bates' 
Independent Brigade." The brigade is reported as going into 
action about i o'clock and continuing in action until 4 o'clock. 
It took a position on the right, partially filling up the gap be- 
tween Miles and Chafifee. The first battalion of the Twentieth 
Infantry went into action on the left of the Twenty-fifth In- 
fantry's firing line, and one company. A, took part in the latter 
part of the charge by which the stone house was taken. Be- 
tween 11.30, when Capron's firing stopped, and when Milcis' 
brigade was moved forward to join the right of Ludlow's, and 
12.20, when the battery recommenced, the troops, including 
Bates' brigade, were either in the positions described above or 
were moving to them. Noon had arrived and El Caney is not 
taken ; the garrison has not attempted to escape, but is sending 
out upon its assailants a continuous and deadly fire. "Through- 
out the heaviest din of our fire," says Colonel Carpenter, 
"could be heard the peculiar high-keyed ring of the defiant 
enemy's shots." 

Twelve o'clock on July ist, 1898, was a most anxious hour 
for our army in Cuba. The battle at El Caney was at a stand- 
still and the divisions of Kent and Sumner were in a most peril- 
ous situation. Bonsai's description of the state of the battle 
at that time is pathetic. Speaking of the artillery at El Caney 
— Capron's battery — he says it was now apparent that this ar- 
tillery, firing from its position of twenty-four hundred yardb, 
could do very little damage to the great stone fort and earth- 
works north of the village. The shots were too few and the 
metal used too light to be effectual. Three hours of the morn- 
ing had worn away and the advance of our men had been 
slowly made and at great cost; all the approaches were com- 
manded by Spanish entrenchments and the fighting was very 



jjS THE BATILE OF EL CANEY 

unequal. A soldier of the Twenty-fifth says that when he came 
in sight of the battle at El Caney, "the Americans were gain- 
ing no ground, and the flashes of the Spanish mausers told us 
that the forces engaged were unequally matched, the differ- 
ence of position favoring the Spaniards." This view was had 
nbout noon, or soon after. At that time "a succession of aides 
and staff officers came galloping from headquarters with mes- 
sages which plainly showed that confusion, if not disaster, had 
befallen the two divisions which, by the heavy firing, we had 
learned to our great surprise, had become warmly engaged in 
the centre. The orders to General Lawton from headquarters 
were at first peremptory in character — he was to pull out of his 
fight and to move his division to the support of the centre" 
(Bonsai). This call for Lawton arose from the fact that about 
noon General Shafter received several dispatches from Sumner, 
of the Cavalry Division, requiring assistance. General Sum- 
ner felt the need of the assistance of every available man in 
the centre of the line where he was carrying on his fight with 
the Spaniards on Blue House Hill. This situation so im- 
pressed the General, Shafter, that he finally wrote to Lawton, 
"You must proceed with the remainder of your force and join 
on immediately upon Sumner's right. If you do not the bat- 
tle is lost." Shafter's idea then was to fall back to his original 
plan of just leaving enough troops at El Caney to prevent the 
garrison from going to the assistance of any other part of the 
line. Shafter himself says: "As the fight progressed I was 
impressed with the fact that we were meeting with a very stub- 
born resistance at El Caney and I began to fear that I had made 
n mistake in making two fights in one day, and sent Major 
Noble with orders to Lawton to hasten with his troops along 
the Caney road, placing himself on the right of Wheeler" 



THE BATTLE Of EL CANEY 159 



(Sumner) . Lawton now made a general advance, and it is im- 
portant to see just what troops did advance. The Seventh In- 
fantry did not move, for Lieutenant-Colonel . Carpenter says 
that after withdrawing "to the partial cover furnished by the 
road, the regiment occupied this position from 8 o'clock a. m. 
until about 4.30 p. m." The Seventeenth did not move, for 
Captain O'Brien, commanding, says the regiment took a posi- 
tion joining "its left with the right of the Seventh Infantry" 
and that the regiment "remained in this position until the bat- 
tle was over." The Twelfth Infantry remained in its shelter 
within 350 yards of the stone fort until about 4 p. m. Then 
we have Chaffee's brigade on the north of the fort remaining 
stationary and by their own reports doing but little firing. The 
Seventeenth fired "for about fifty minutes" about noon, with 
remarkable precision, but "it seemingly had no effect upon re- 
ducing the Spanish fire delivered in our (their) front." The 
Seventh did not fire to any extent. The Twelfth Infantry lay 
in its refuge "free from the enemy's fire" and may have kept up 
an irregular fire. 

About this time Bates' brigade entered the field and one bat- 
talion of the Twentieth Infantry is reported to have joined the 
left of the firing line of the Twenty-fifth. General Ludlow says 
there was a lull from 12 to i p. m., "when the action again be- 
came violent, and at 3 p. m. the Third Brigade captured the 
stone fort with a rush and hoisted the American flag." From 
Ludlow's brigade, Captain Van Home, commanding the 
Twenty-second Infantry, after the wounding of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Patterson, says that the First Battalion of his regiment 
took a position about 800 yards from the town and kept up 
firing until the place surrendered. He does not say positively 
that the firing was upon the town, but he had said just before 



l6o THE BATTLF. OF EL CANEV 

that the Second Battalion slowly moved forward, firing into 
the town from the left, so that we may readily conclude frottt 
the context as well as from the position that the First Battalion 
fired into the town also. Hence it seems fair to exclude from 
the fort all of Ludlow's brigade, and it is observable that Lud- 
low himself claims no part in the capture of that stronghold. 

General Bates says his brigade took position to the right of 
Colonel Miles' brigade and pushed rapidly to the front. He 
then says that after remaining sometime in the crossroad to the 
right of Miles' brigade, under a heavy fire from the enemy, 
the brigade moved farther "to the right to the assault of a 
small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well pro- 
tected by rifle pits. General Chaffee's brigade charged them 
from the right, and the two brigades joining upon the crest, 
opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the 
Spanish, upon the vilalge of El Caney." General Chaffee says 
it was in consequence of the fire of General Bates' troops upon 
the fort that the assault by the Twelfth Infantry was postponed. 

In General Chaffee's report this statement occurs : "The ac- 
tion lasted nearly throughout the day, terminating at about 
4.30 p. m., at which time the stone blockhouse was assaulted 
by Captain Haskell's battalion of the Twelfth Infantry, under 
the personal direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Comba, command- 
ing the regiment. The resistance at this point had been greatly 
affected by the fire of Capron's battery. A few moments 
after the seizure of this point — the key to the situation — my 
left was joined by General Bates with a portion ni his com- 
mand." It is to be noted in connection with all of the above 
statements that Major McCaskey, who commanded the Twen- 
tieth Infantry (Bates brigade), says: "The First Battalion 
was moved to the right and put into action on the left of the 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY l6l 

Twenty-fifth Infantry's firing line, and one company, A, took 
part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house 
was taken." The two points to be noted here are (i) that this 
battalion was on the left of the Twenty-fifth's firing line, and 
(2) that one company took part in the charge upon the stone 
house. When Chaffee's brigade charged the stone house from 
the right 'Son:e of Bates' troops, at least this Company A, from 
the battalion near the firing line of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
took part in the latter part of the charge. The two brigades. 
Bates' and Chaffee's, joined immediately after the capture of 
the stone fort and opened fire upon the town. 

We have now traced the actions and the fortunes of the three 
following brigades : Ludlow's Chaffee's and Bates'. But what 
has become of Miles' brigade? Unfortunately, the Second 
Brigade has not been so well reported as w^ere the others en- 
gaged in the action at El Caney. We have seen that it was 
ordered to take position on the right of Ludlow's brigade at 
1 1.30, when Capron's battery ceased its firing for the fifty min- 
utes. ''We were detained in reaching our position by troops 
in our front blocking the road," says the brigade commander. 
"We came into action directly in front of the stone blockhpuse 
at 12.30, and from that hour until about 4.30, when the com- 
mand 'cease firing' was given, the blockhouse having been 
captured, my command was continuously under fire." The 
reader will note in this report that the brigade went into action 
at 12.30, several hours before the charge was ordered by Gen- 
eral Chaffee, and at least an hour and a half before, according 
to the report of the commander of the Third Brigade, "this 
fort was practically in the possession of the Twelfth Infantry." 
Major Baker, who commanded the Fourth Infantry, says : 
"About 12 m. we received orders directing us to take our place 
u 



l62 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

in the line of battle, and arriving at the proper point the regi- 
ment was placed in line in the following order : The First Bat- 
talion in the fighting line ; the Second Battalion in support and 
regimental reserve. In this order the First Battalion, under 
my command, took up the advance toward the blockhouse, to 
our right, south east of Caney." This battalion advanced until 
it reached a position about 200 yards from the village, where 
it remained, assisted by the Second Battalion until the capture 
of the fort. Two companies of this First Battalion "fired into 
the town and also into the blockhouse until its fall." A good 
part of the fire of this regiment was directed upon the fort. 

Colonel ]\'I'iles says : "The brigade advanced steadily, with 
such scanty cover as the ground afforded, maintaining a heavy 
fire on the stone foit from the time the fight began until it 
ended." The reader is asked to note particularly that this fire 
was continuous throughout the fight ; that it was characterized 
by the brigade commander as "heavy," and that it was "on the 
stone fort.". He says : "As the brigade advanced across a 
plowed field in front of the enemy's position the latter's sharp- 
shooters in the houses in Caney enfiladed the left of our line 
with a murderous fire. To silence it Major Baker, Fourth In- 
fantry, in command of the battalion of that regiment on the left 
of our line of battle, directed it to turn its fire upon the town. 
In so doing this battalion lost heavily, but its steady front and 
accurate volleys greatly assisted the advance of the remainder 
of the brigade upon the stone fort." 

We have now these facts clearly brought out or suggested : 
That the brigade took its place in line of battle soon after 12 
o'clock ; that the Fourth Infantry was on the left ; that the ad- 
vance of the First Battalion of the Fourth Infantry was "to- 
ward the blockhouse;" that aside from the companies of the 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 63 

Fourth Infantry that fired into town, "the remainder of the 
brigade advanced upon the stone fort." The Fourth Infantry, 
holding the left of the line, however, reached a position from 
M'hich it could not advance, its commander having "quickly 
perceived that an advance meant annihilation, as it would in- 
volve not only a frontal, but also a flank 6re from the town." 
Here the Fourth Infantry remained, but continued to maintain 
a fire upon both the blockhouse and the town. 

There is but one more regiment in all of Lawton's division 
to be accounted for, and that is the Twenty-fifth Infantry, hold- 
ing the right of Miles' brigade in this advance. This regiment 
was in place in the line under its gallant and experienced com- 
mander, Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett, and contributed its 
full share of that "heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the 
fight began until it ended." Major McCaskey says the First 
Battalion of his regiment took a position on the left of the 
Twenty-fifth's firing line. The statement seems erroneous, and 
one is inclined to believe that it was originally written "on the 
right," instead of "on the left" ; but it is enough for our pur- 
pose now, that the firing line of the Twenty-fifth is recognized 
well in advance. Major Baker, who commanded on the left of 
the brigade line, and whose advance was stopped by the flank 
fire from the village and a frontal fire from the fort, says: 
"as a matter of fact the village of El Caney was not charged 
by any troops. Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth 
Infantry, after having carried the stone fort (on a hill some 
75 feet higher, and to the east of the town,) fired into the vil- 
lage, and the Fourth Infantry continued its fire. Nor was it 
charged by any of the troops to our left. Such a charge would 
necessarily have been seen by us." Major Baker, who was 
on the field and had the blockhouse in clear view, declares that 



X64 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

some of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry carried 
the stone fort. Major McCaskey says that one battaHon of the 
Twentieth Infantry (Bates' brigade) was on the left of the 
Twenty-fifth's firing fine, and that one company (A) took part 
in the latter part of the charge by which the fort was taken. 
This battalion may be referred to by Major Baker when he 
says : "Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
after having carried, etc." 

As there are some matters of dispute concerning the events 
which I am now going to relate, I will present a soldier's state- 
ment before I go to the official records. The soldier in writ- 
ing to me after the battle says : 'T was left-guide of Company 
G (25th Infantry), and I received orders from Lieutenant Mc- 
Corkle to guide on Fourth Infantry, which held the left flank. 
'Forward, march! Guide left. Don't fire until you see some- 
body; then fire to hit!' came the orders. Tramp! tramp! 
Crash ! crash ! On we walked and stopped. We fired into the 
underbrush for safety ; then in another moment we were under 
Spanish fire. Balls flew like bees, humming as they went. 
Soon we found ourselves up against a network of Spanish 
trickery. Barbed-wire fences, ditches and creeks, too numerous 
to think of. The only thing left was to go ahead or die; or 
else retreat like cowards. We preferred to go ahead. At 
this first fence Lieutenant McCorkle was taken to earth by a 
Spanish bullet. Lieutenant Moss spoke out, 'Come ahead ! 
Let's get at these Spaniards !' A few moments more and he, 
too, was almost dead with exertion, loud speaking, running and 
jumping, as onward we swept toward the Spanish stronghold. 
The sun was exceedingly hot, as on the slope of a little mound 
we rested for a few moments. We lay here about five minutes^ 
looking into the Spanish fort or blockhouse; we measured the 



THE BATTLE OP EL CANEV 165 

distance by our eyesight, then with our rifles; we began to 
cheer and storm, and in a moment more, up the hill like a bevy 
of blue birds did the Twenty-fifth fly. G and H Companies 
were the first to reach the summit and to make the Spaniards 
fly into the city of El Caney, which lay just behind the hill. 
When we reached the summit others soon began to mount our 
ladder. We fired down into the city until nearly dusk." 

The brigade made its advance under fire almost from the 
beginning. The commander says it was continuously under 
fire from 12.30 to 4.30 p. m. "The attack was begun by two 
companies in each regiment on the firing line, strengthened by 
supports and reserves from the remaining companies until the 
brigade had but two companies in reserve. At one time in this 
hotly engaged contest the commanding officer of the Twenty- 
Fifth Infantry sent me word that he needed troops on his right. 
I then sent forward 40 Cubans, under command of Captains 
Jose' Varges and Avelens Bravo, with Lieutenants Nicholas 
Franco and Tomas Repelao, to form on the right of the 
Twenty-fifth, which was also the right of the brigade. With 
these Cubans I ordered Private Henry Downey, Company H, 
First Infantry, on duty as interpreter at the headquarters. 
These men advanced on the stone fort with our line, fighting 
gallantly, during which Lieutenant Nicholas Franco was mor- 
tally wounded and died soon afterwards." (Col. Miles' re- 
port.) 

From the soldier's story, as well as from the official report 
of the brigade commander, it is conclusive that the real objec- 
tive of the Second Brigade was the stone fort, and that the 
Twenty-fifth Infantry, which occupied the right of the line, 
had no other objective whatever.* It also appears that Bates' 
brigade, although somewhere on the right, was not so near 



1 66 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

but that the commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth could 
see the need of troops at his right ; and to meet this need the 
brigade commander "sent forward 40 Cubans, \vhr, advanced 
on the 'Stone fort with our Hues." The fire from this fort con- 
tinued severe during the whole of the advance, and until the 
last halt made by the Twenty-fifth. At the first fence met by 
the Twenty-fifth Lieutenant McCorkle was killed ; and, to use 
the words of a soldier, "as the regiment swept toward the 
Spanish stronghold" to reach the slope of a little mound for 
cover, many more fell. Behind this little mound, after rest- 
ing about five minutes, they began their last fire upon the 
enemy. This must have been as late as 3 o'clock, and perhaps 
considerably later, and the fire from the stone fort was vigor- 
ous up until their last halt, as their casualties prove. The bat- 
tery had begun to fire on the fort again at 12.30 and contin- 
ued from the same position until 2.10, the range being as has 
been already stated, 2,400 yards. Hence the artillery firing 
at long range had ceased, and it is generally conceded that this 
long range firing had been ineffective. Captain Capron says 
he moved his battery at 2.10 p. m. to 1,000 yards from Caney 
and opened fire on two blockhouses. He does not say at what 
hour he opened fire on these two blockhouses, or how long he 
continued to fire, or what was the effect of his fire upon the 
two block houses. Lieutenant-Colonel Bisbee, who was acting 
as support of Capron's battery, says of himself that he "moved 
with the battery at 3.30 p. m. by the Dubroix (Ducureaux) 
road." General Lawton says the battery was moved to a new 
position about 2.30, "about 1,000 yards from certain block- 
houses in the town, where a few shots, all taking effect, were 
fired." From these reports it would appear that after moving 
to the second station the battery fired upon two blockhouses 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 167 

in the town, and not upon the stone fort. General Ludlow, 
speaking of the battle, says : *'In the present case, the artil- 
lery fire was too distant to reduce the blockhouses or destroy 
the entrenchments, so that the attack was practically by in- 
fantry alone." On the other hand, General Chaffee says : "The 
resistance at this point," meaning the stone fort at the time 
of assault, "had been greatly affected by the fire of C'apron's 
battery." Colonel Comba, of the Twelfth Infantry, says: 
"The artillery made the breach through which our men entered 
the stone work." Bonsai says that Captain Capron, "under the 
concentrated fire of his four guns at a point blank range of a 
thousand yards, had converted the fort into a shapeless ruin," 
when the infantry charged it. 

It is probable that in this case, as in most cases of similar 
nature, the truth divides equally between the apparently op- 
posing views. Of General Ludlow, who is the authority for 
this statement, that the stone fort at El Caney was taken by 
infantry alone, General Lawton says : "General Ludlow's pro- 
fessional accomplishments are well known and his assignment 
to command a brigade in my division I consider a high compli- 
ment to myself." "The fighting was all done with small arms" 
were the words written me by an infantryman soon after the 
battle. The question, whether Capron fired upon the stone fort 
after taking his new position, or fired on two blockhouses, 
entirely distinct from the fort, remains undetermined. The 
author of this work inclines to the conclusion that the fire of 
Capron after moving to his new position was directed for a 
brief period, at least, upon the stone fort. 

Inasmuch as we are now to trace the career of the Twenty- 
fifth Infantry through an unfortunate dispute, on both sides 



l6S THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

of which are officers of high rank and unimpeachable honor, 
it is important to note, first, to what extent the several state- 
ments, both unofficial and official, can be harmonized and made 
to corroborate one another. Major Baker says : ''Those of 
Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, after having car- 
ried the stone fort," which he explains was some 75 feet higher 
than the town, then fired down into the village. The soldier 
who acted as left-guide of Company G, Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
says, after getting up on the hill, "we fired dozv7t into the city 
until near dusk." The experience of the soldier agrees exactly 
with the report of the officer. The fact that the Twenty-fifth 
went up the hill cannot be questioned, and that up to their last 
halt, they went under fire, no one will deny. Bonsai, in speak- 
ing of Chaffee's brigade, which w^as "more immediately 
charged with the reduction of Caney" (Ludlow's report), says: 
"And it was nearly five o'clock when his most advanced regi- 
ment, the gallant Twelfth Infantry, deployed into the valley 
and charged up the steep hillside, which was lined with Span- 
ish trenches, rising in irregular tiers and crowned wnth a great 
stone fort." The stone fort at this time, however, was, as he 
says, "a shapeless ruin." Where was the Twenty-fifth In- 
fantry at this time ? Mr. Bonsai continues : "Almost at the 
same moment the Twenty-fifth Colored Infantry, the leading 
regiment of Miles' brigade, which had been advancing in the 
centre, started up the hill also." General Lawton says that 
after noving the battery to its new position, 1,000 yards from 
certain blockhouses in the town, Capron fired a few shots, all 
of which took effect, and he adds: "This firing terminated 
the action, as the Spanish garrison were attempting to escape." 
Colonel Comba says there was a breach in the stonework large 
enough for his men to enter, and that this had been made by 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 



169 



the r.rtillery; General Chaffee says resistance had been greatly 
affected by the artillery, and Bonsai adds, the garrison resisted 
the last advance made by the infantry but for a moment. 

General Chaffee declares : 'The troops arriving at the fort 
were there in the following order: Twelfth Infantry, which 
took the place ; the command of General Bates some moments 
later; the Twenty-fifth Infantry." 

The facts therefore stand, that the Twenty-fifth In- 
fantry was on the ground with the first troops that reached 
the fort and that there was a captain of that regiment who then 
and there claim.ed the capture of the place, even against the 
claims of a Major-General. He was told that his proposition 
was absurd, and so it may have been from one standpoint ; and 
yet there may be a ground ui on which the captain's claim was 
fair and just. 

That the Twelfth Infantry arrived on the ground first is not 
disputed ; but it is questioned whether the fort was belligerent 
at that time. General Chaffee says the resistance had been 
greatly reduced by the artillery; General Lawton says the ac- 
tion had been finished by Capron's shots and the garrison was 
trying to escape ; a soldier from the Twenty-fifth says the Span- 
iards flew out of the fort to the town ; Bonsai says, they stoutly 
resisted "for a moment and then fled precipitately down the 
ravine and up the other side, and into the town." If first oc- 
cupancy is the only ground upon which the capture of a place 
can be claimed, then the title to the honor of capturing the 
stone fort lies, according to official report as so far presented, 
with the Twelfth Infantry. But even upon this ground it will 
be shown that the Twenty-fifth's action will relieve the claim 
of its captain from absurdity. We are now prepared to read 
the official report of the commanding officer of the Twenty- 



170 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 



fifth Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, who was with the 
regiment all through the fight, and who bore himself so well 
that the division commander said : "Lieutenant-Colonel Dag- 
gett deserves special mention for skillful handling of his regi- 
ment, and would have received it before had the fact been re- 
ported by his brigade commander." 

July 5, JS98. 
Intrenchments Twenty-fifth United States Infantry, 
Adjutant-General, Second Brigade, Second Division, Fifth 
Corps. 

Sir : — I have the honor to submit the following report of the 
part taken by the Twenty-fifth Infantry in the battle of the ist 
instant. The regiment formed firing line on the right of the 
Fourth Infantry, facing a Spanish fort or blockhouse about half 
a mile distant. On moving forward, the battalion, composed of 
Companies C, D, E, G and H, and commanded by Capt. W. S. 
Scott, received the fire of the enemy, and after advancing about 
400 yards was subjected to a galling fire on their left. Finding 
cover, the battalion prepared for an advance up the hill to the 
fort. This advance was made rapidly and conducted with great 
skill by company officers. 

"On arriving within a short distance of the fort the white 
flag was waved to our companies, but a cross fire prevented the 
enemy from advancing with it or our officers from receiving it. 
About twenty minutes later a battalion of some other regiment 
advanced to the rear of the fort, completely covered from fire, 
and received the flag; but the men of the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
try entered the fort at the same time. All officers and men be- 
haved gallantly. One officer was killed and three wounded; 
eight men were killed and twenty wounded. 

"About 200 men and ten officers were in the firing line. I 
attribute the comparatively small losses to the skill and bravery 
of the company officers ,viz. : First Lieutenant Caldwell and 
Second Lieutenants Moss and Hunt. Second Lieutenant 
French, adjutant of the battalion, was among those who gal- 
lantly entered the fort. 

"The battle lasted about two hours and was a hotlv contested 
combat. Very respectfully, 

"A. S. DAGGETT, 

"Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding." 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY I^i 

Here it is shown by the testimony of the regimental com- 
mander, that a battalion of the Twenty-fifth ascended the hill 
and arrived at a short distance from the fort about twenty 
minutes before any other troops are mentioned as coming in 
sight ; and that a white flag was waved to the companies of the 
Twenty-fifth. It was doubtless upon this ground that a cap- 
tain of the Twenty-fifth had the temerity to claim the capture 
of the place, even from a Major-General I do not know who 
the captain was, but it is evident that he had what he believed 
ample grounds for his claim. Colonel Daggett says, also, 
that when the men of the other regiment advanced to this fort 
after it had waved the white flag to the companies of the 
Twenty-fifth, the men of the Twenty-fifth advanced and en- 
tered the fort at the same time. Bonsai says : "Almost at the 
same moment that the Tw^elfth started up the hill the Twenty- 
fifth started up the hill also ;" while according to Colonel Dag- 
gett's testimony the Twenty-fifth was well up the hill already 
and the fort had waved to it the white flag. 

Colonel Daggett makes this further report : 

Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
Near Santiago, Cuba, July i6, 1898. 
The Adjutant-General, Second Division, Fifth Corps, near San- 
tiago, Cuba. 

Sir : — Feeling that the Twenty-fifth Infantry has not received 
credit for the part it took in the battle of El Caney on the first 
/nstant, I have the honor to submit the following facts: 

I was ordered by the brigade commander to put two compa- 
nies (H, Lieutenant Caldwell, and G, Lieutenant AlcCorkle) on 
the firing line in extended order. The right being uncovered 
and exposed to the enemy, I ordered D Company (Captain Ed- 
wards) to deploy as flankers. The battalion was commanded by 
Capt. W. S. Scott. The battalion advanced about 300 yards 
under fire, the Fourth Infantry on its left, where the line found 
cover, halted, and opened fire on the blockhouse and intrench- 



172 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 



ments in front of it. After the line had been steadied and had 
delivered an effective fire, I ordered a further advance, which 
was promptly made. As the Fourth Infantry did not advance, 
my left was exposed to a very severe fire from the village on the 
left. I immediately ordered Company C (Lieutenant Murdock), 
which was in support, to the front, and E. Company (Lieutenant 
Kinnison) from regimental reserve to take its place. Thus 
strengthened, the four companies moved up the hill rapidly, 
being skilfully handled by company officers. On arriving near 
the fort the white flag was waved toward our men, but the lire 
from the village on our left was so severe that neither our offi- 
cers nor Spanish could pass over the intervening ground. After 
about twenty minutes some of the Twelfth Infantry arrived in 
rear of the fort, completely sheltered from the fire from the vil- 
lage, and received the white flag; but Privates J. H. Jones, 
of Company D, and T. C. Butler, H. Company, Twenty-fifth In- 
fantry, entered the fort at the same time and took possession 
of the Spanish fiag. They were ordered to give it up by an offi- 
cer of the Twelfth United States Infantry, but before doing so 
they each tore a piece from it, which they now have. So much 
for the facts. 

I attribute the success attained by our line largely to the brav- 
ery and skill of the company officers who conducted the line to 
the fort. These officers are : First Lieutenants V. A. Caldwell 
and J. A. Moss, and Second Lieutenant J. E. Hunt. It is my 
opinion that the two companies first deployed could not have 
reached the fort alone, and that it was the two companies I or- 
dered to their support that gave them the power to reach it. I 
further believe that had we failed to move beyond the Fourth 
Infantry the fort would not have been taken that night. 

The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost one officer killed* and three 
wounded, and seven men killed and twentj^-eight wounded. 

Second Lieutenant H. W. French, adjutant of Captain Scott's 
battalion, arrived at the fort near the same time as the other 
officers. 

I request that this report be forwarded to corps headquarters. 
Verv respectfully, 

A. S. DAGGETT, 
Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding. 

*First Lieutenant McCorkle killed; Captain Edwards and First Lieu- 
tenants Kinnison and Murdock wounded. 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 73 

General Chaffee's statement is not to be questioned for a 
moment. There is not the least doubt that the troops, as or- 
ganizations arrived at the fort in the order he describes. Gen- 
eral Lawton says : "General Chaffee's brigade was especially 
charged with the duty of assaulting the stone fort, and suc- 
cessfully executed that duty, after which a portion of the 
Twenty-fifth, and a portion of Bates' brigade, assisted in the 
work, all of which is commendable." He says also, that the 
'Twenty-fifth Infantry did excellent service, as reported, 
though not better than the others engaged.' This seems to 
confirm Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's report, for he says he 
is sure the regiment did excellent work, "as reported ;" and at 
that time he is commenting on Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's 
report, the report printed above. The broad statements of 
General Lawton do not touch the exact question at issue be- 
tween the reports of the subordinate commanders ; nor do they 
throw any light on the circumstances of the final charge. 
Miles' brigade had been advancing on the stone fort for some 
hours, and the Twenty-fifth was so near when the charge of 
the Twelfth was made that portions of it were on the hill and 
near the fort at the same time. The commander of the Third 
Brigade saw the fight from one side and reported events as he 
learned them. His official statement requires no support. 
The commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth Infantry saw the 
fight from another standpoint, and his official reports are en- 
titled to equal respect. Both the General's and the Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel's must be accepted as recitals of facts, made with 
all the accuracy that high personal integrity armed with thor- 
ough military training can command. Happily the statements, 
which at first appear so widely at variance, are entirely recon- 
cilable. The following supplementary report of the regi- 



174 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 



mental commander, when taken in connection with the final 
complimentary orders published in the regiment before leav- 
ing Cuba, will place the whole subject before the reader and 
put the question at rest, and at the same time leave undis- 
turbed all the reports of superior officers. 

Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
Montauk Point, Long Island, August 22, 1898. 
The Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D.C. 

Sir: — I have the honor to submit a supplementary report to 
the original one made on the 19th (i6th) of July, 1898, of the 
battle of El Caney de Cuba, so far as relates to the part taken 
therein by the Twenty-fifth Infantry: 

1. I stated in the original report that the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
try, in advancing, broke away from and left the Fourth Infantry 
behind. This may inferentially reflect on the latter regiment. 
It was not so intended, and a subsequent visit to the battle-field 
convinces me that it would have been impossible for the regi- 
ment to advance to the fort, and, although it might have ad- 
vanced a short distance farther, it would have resulted in a use- 
less slaughter, and that the battalion commander exercised ex- 
cellent judgment in remaining where he did and by his fire aid- 
ing the Twenty-fifth Infantry in its advance. 

2. Colonel Miles, the then brigade commander, informed me 
that his first report of the battle would be brief and that a later 
and full report would be made. In his former report I think 
he failed to give credit to myself and regiment. As he was soon 
after relieved of the command of the brigade I assume that 
no further report will be made. 

I have reported what the regiment did, but said nothing about 
my own action. I must, therefore, report it myself or let it go 
imrecorded. Distasteful as it is to me, I deem it duty to my 
children to state the facts and my claims based thereon, as fol- 
lows : 

I. I was ordered to put two companies in the firing line. 
Before this line advanced the brigade commander informed me, 
and personal examination verified, that my right was in the air 
and exposed. On my own judgment I ordered a company, as 
flankers, to that part of the line. 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 175 

2. As soon as the line had rested and become steadied at its 
first hah I ordered it to advance, and it continued to advance, 
ahhough it broke away from the rest of the brigade. 

3. As this exposed the left to a galling and dangerous fire, I 
ordered, on my own judgment, a company to re-enforce that 
part of the line and a company from the regimental reserve also 
to the fighting line. 

These are the facts, and as my orders were to keep my left 
joined to the right of the Fourth Infantry, and received no fur- 
ther orders, my claims are as follovv's : 

1. That it was necessary to place a company on the right as 
flankers. 

2. That the conditions offered an opportunity to advance af- 
ter the first halt, and I took advantage of it. 

3. That the left being exposed by this advance of the line 
beyond the rest of the brigade, it was proper and necessary to 
re-enforce it by two companies. 

4. That the two companies first deployed could not have 
reached the stone fort. 

5. That the three companies added to the firing line gave it 
the power to reach the fort. 

6. That the advance beyond the rest of the brigade was a 
bold and, without support, dangerous movement, but that the 
result justified the act. Had it failed T would have been held 
responsible. 

7. That I saw at each stage of the battle what ought to be 
done, and did it. Results show that it was done at the right mo- 
ment. 

8. That the Twenty-fifth Infantry caused the surrender of 
the stone fort. 

I desire to repeat that it is with great reluctance that I 
make so much of this report as relates to myself, and nothing 
but a sense of duty would impel me to do it. 
Very respectfullv, 

A. S. DAGGETT, 
Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding. 



176 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

LOSSES OF THE TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY. 

Killed. — Lieutenant H. L. McCorkle, Company G; Private 
Albert Strother, H; Private John W. Steele, D; Corporal Benj. 
Cousins, H ; Private John B. Phelps, D ; Private French Payne, 
B; Private Aaron Leftwich, G; Private Tom Howe, D. 

Wounded. — Company A: Private William H. Clarke, Ser- 
geant Stephen A. Browne. Company B : Private Tom Brown. 
Company C: Lieutenant John S. Murdock, Private Joseph L. 
Johnson, Private Samuel W. Harley, Private John A. Boyd. 
Company D ; Captain Eaton A. Edwards, Sergeant Hayden 
Richards, Private Robert Goodwin. Company E: Lieutenant 
H. L. Kinnison, Private James Howard, Private John Saddler, 
Private David C. Gillam, Private Hugh Swann. Com- 
pany F: First Sergeant Frank Coleman. Company G: 
Corporal James O. Hunter, Private Henry Brightwell, Private 
David Buckner, Private Alvin Daniels, Private Boney Douglas, 
Private George P. Cooper, Private John Thomas, Corporal 
Gov. Staton, Private Eugene Jones. Company H : Private 
James Bevill, Private Henry Gilbert. 

Wounded July 2. — Private Elwood A. Forman, H ; Private 
Smith, D ; Private William Lafayette, F. 

COMPLIMENTARY ORDER. 

Headquarters 25th Infantry, 
Near Santiago de Cuba, August 11, 1898. 
General Orders No. 19. 

The regimental commander congratulates the regiment on 
the prospect of its speedy return to the United States. 

Gathered from three different stations, many of you strangers 
to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time in 
more than twenty-eight years on Alay 7, 1898, at Tampa, Flor- 
ida. There you endeavored to solidify and prepare yourselves, 
as far as the oppressive weather would' permit, for the work that 
appeared to be before you; but, who could have fortold the 
severity of that work? 

You endured the severe hardships of a long sea voyage, which 
no one who has not experienced it can appreciate. You then 
disembarked, amidst dangerous surroundings ; and on landing 
were for the first time on hostile ground. You marched, under 
a tropical sun, carrying blanket-roll, three days' rations, and one 
hundred rounds of ammunition, through rain and mud, part of 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 177 

the time at night, sleeping on the wet ground without shelter, 
living part of the time on scant rations, even, of bacon, hard 
bread and coffee, until on July i you arrived at El Caney. Here 
you took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort, 
more hke veterans than troops who had never been under fire. 
You again marched, day and night, halting only to dig four lines 
of intrenchments, the last being the nearest point to the enemy 
reached by any organization, v.dien. still holding your rifles, 
within these intrenchments, notice was received that Santiago 
and the Spanish army had surrendered. 

But commendable as the record cited may be, the brightest 
hours of your lives were on the afternoon of July i. Formed in 
battle array, you advanced to the stone fort against volleys there- 
from, and rifle-pits in front, and against a galling fire from block- 
houses, the church tower and the village on your left. You con- 
tinued to advance, skilfully and bravely directed by the officers 
in immediate command, halting and delivering such a cool and 
well-directed fire that the enemy was compelled to wave the 
white flag in token of surrender. 

Seldom have troops been called upon to face a severer fire, 
and never have they acqviitted themselves better. 

The regimental reserve was called upon to try its nerve, by 
lying quiet under a galling fire, without the privilege of return- 
ing it, where men were killed and wounded. This is a test of 
nerve which the firing line cannot realize, and requires the high- 
est qualities of bravery and endurance. 

You may well return to the United States proud of your ac- 
complishments ; and if any one asks you what you have done, 
point him to El Caney. 

But in the midst of the joy of going home, we mourn the loss 
of those we leave behind. The genial, generous-hearted Mc- 
Corkle fell at his post of duty, bravely directing his men in the 
advance on the stone fort. He died as the soldier dies, and re- 
ceived a soldier's burial. He was beloved by all who knew him, 
and his name will always be fondly remembered by his regiment 
— especially by those who participated in the Santiago cam- 
paign. The officers of the regiment will wear the prescribed 
badge of mourning for Lieutenant IMcCorkle for thirty days. 
And Corporal Benjamin Cousins. Privates Payne, Lewis, 
Strother, Taliaferro, Phelps, Howell, Steel and Left'witch, sacri- 
ficed their fives on their country's altar. Being of a race which 



178 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

only thirty-five years ago emerged through a long and bloody 
war, from a condition of servitude, they in turn engaged in a 
war which was officially announced to be in the interest of hu- 
manity and gave all they had — their lives — that the oppressed 
might be free, and enjoy the blessings of liberty guaranteed by a 
stable government. They also died like true soldiery and received 
a soldier's burial. 

By order of Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett. 

M. D. CRONIN, 
First Lieutenant and Adjutant, 25th Infantry. 

MAJOR GENERAL AARON S. DAGGETT. 

General Aaron S. Daggett is a native of Maine, born at 
Greene Corner, in that State, June 14, 1837. He is descended 
from a paternal ancestry which can be traced, with an honorable 
record, as far back as iioo A. D. His mother was Dorcas C, 
daughter of Simon Dearborn, a collateral descendant of General 
Henry Dearborn. His more immediate ancestors came from 
Old to New England about 1630, and both his grandparents 
served in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War. 
He was educated in his native towai, at Monmouth Academy, 
Maine Wesleyan Seminary and Bates College. At the outbreak 
of the Civil War he enlisted as a private, April 27th, 1861, in 
the 5th Maine Infantry; was appointed second Heutenant May 
I, and promoted first lieutenant May 24, 1861. He commanded 
his company at the first Bull Run battle, and was promoted 
captain zA-ugust 14, 1861. 

From the first engagement of the regiment to the end of its 
three years' memorable service, Captain Daggett proved a 
faithful and gallant soldier. He was promoted major, January 
Sth, 1863; on January i8th, 1865, was commissioned lieutenant- 
colonel of the 5th Regiment, United States Veteran Volunteers, 
Hancock Corps, and was brevetted colonel and brigadier-gentral 
of volunteers, March 13, 1865, for ''gallant and meritorious ser- 
vices during the war." He also received the brevets of major in 
the United States Army for "gallant and meritorious services 
at the battle of Rappahannock Station, Va.," November 7, 1863, 
and lieutenant-colonel for "gallant and meritorious services in 
the battle of the Wilderness, Va." Immediatelv after the bat- 
tle of Rappahannock Station, the captured trophies, flags, can- 
nons, etc., were escorted, by those who had been most conspic- 




Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett. 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 179 

nous ill the action, to General IMeacle's headquarters, Colonel 
Daggett being in command of the battalion of his brigade. 
General Upton to whom he owed this distinction, wrote of him 
as follows : 

"In the assault at Rappahannock Station, Colonel Daggett's 
regiment captured over five hundred prisoners. In the assault 
at Spottsylvania Court House, May lo, his regiment lost six 
out of seven captains, the seventh being killed on the 12th of 
May, at the "angle," or the point where the tree was shot down 
by musketry, on which ground the regiment fought from 9.30 
A. M. to 5.30 P. M., when it was relieved. On all these occa- 
sions Colonel Daggett was under my immediate command, and 
fought with distinguished bravery. 

"Throughout his miUtary career in the Army of the Potomac, 
he maintained the character of a good soldier and an upright 
man, and his promotion would be commended by all those who 
desire to see courage rewarded." 

General Upton also wrote to the Governor of Maine as fol- 
lows : 

"I would respectfully recommend to Your Excellency, Major 
A. S. Daggett, formerly 5th Maine Volunteers, as an officer 
highly qualified to command a regiment. Major Daggett served 
his full term in this brigade with honor both to himself and 
State, and won for himself the reputation of being a brave, reli- 
able and efficient officer. His promotion to a colonelcy would 
be a great benefit to the service, while the honor of his State 
could scarcely be entrusted to safer hands." 

He was subsequently recommended for promotion by Gen- 
erals Meade, Hancock, Wright and D. A. Russell. He was in 
every battle and campaign in which the Sixth Corps, Army of 
the Potomac, was engaged, from the first Bull Run to Peters- 
burg, and was twice slightly wounded. On July 28, 1866, with- 
out his knowledge or solicitation, he was appointed a captain in 
the U. S. Regular Army, on recommendation of General Grant, 
and has since been promoted colonel in this service. During 
his subsequent career he has won the reputation of being a fine 
tactician and of being thoroughly versed in military law, as is 
indicated by Major Hancock's commendatory words in 1878: 

"I look upon him as by far the best tactician in the regiment, 
and as for a thorough, clear knowledge of tactics his Superior 
is not in the army. As regards military and civil law, I know 
of no one so well informed." 



l8o THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

His ability and soldierly qualities have also been highly com- 
mended bv General Crook, Colonel Hughes— Inspector-General 
in 1891— and Colonel , Inspector-General in 1892. 

Not only as a soldier, but in many other ways, has General 
Daggett distinguished himself. As a public speaker the follow- 
ing was said of him by the Rev. S. S. Cummings, of Boston : 

"It was my privilege and pleasure to listen to an address 
delivered by General A. S. Daggett on Memorial Day of 1891. 
I had anticipated something able and instructive, but it far ex- 
ceeded mv fondest expectations. The address was dignified, yet 
afifable. delivered in choice language without manuscript, in- 
structive and impressive, and highly appreciated by an intelli- 
gent audience." 

General Daggett is noted for his courteous and genial man- 
ner, and his sterling integrity of character. He is a member 
of the Presbyterian church. 

War Department, Inspector-General's OfBce, 

Washington, Jan. 6th, 1899. 
To the Adjutant-General, U. S. A., Washington, D. C. 

Sir: — I desire to recommend to your favorable consideration 
and for advancement in case of the reorganization of the Reg- 
ular Army, Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett, 25th U. S. In- 
fantry. 

1 have known Colonel Daggett for a long time ; he served in 
the War of the Rebellion with the 5th Alaine Volunteers and 
acquitted himself with much honor; he served in Cuba in the 
war with Spain, commanding the 25th U. S. Infantry, and was 
conspicuous for gallantry at the battle of El Caney. He is an 
officer of the highest character, intelligent, courageous and 
energetic. 

I sincerely trust that he may receive all the consideration he 
deserves. Verv respectfully, 

'(Sd) H. W. LAWTON, 

Major-General, U. S. V. 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 



[8i 



A true copy: 

M. D. CRONIN, 

First Lieutenant and Adjutant 25th Infantry. 
Headquarters Department of the East, 

Governor's Island, New York City, 

December 29, 1898. 
Honorable R. A. Alger, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 
Sir: — I recommend to the favorable consideration of the 
Secretary of War for promotion to Brigadier-General, Colonel 
A. S. Daggett, 25th Infantry. This officer has an excellent war 
record ; his service has been faithful since then, and in the recent 
Spanish-American war he distinguished himself by his goo'd 
judgment and faithful attention to duty, as well as for gallant 
service in action. An appointment of this character will be very 
highly appreciated throughout the army as a recognition of 
faithful, meritorious and gallant service. From my observation 
of Colonel Daggett he is well qualified for the position. 
Very respectfully, 

(Sd) WM. R. SHAFTER, 

Major-General, U. S. Volunteers. 
M. D. CRONIN, 

A true copy: 

First Lieutenant and Adjutant 25th Infantry. 

To this very brilliant official record it is necessary to add 
but a word personal. Colonel Daggett is a typical New Eng- 
lander; tall, well-formed, nervous and sinewy, a centre of 
energy, making himself felt wherever he may be. Precise and 
forceful of speech, correct and sincere in manners, a safe coun- 
sellor and a loyal friend, his character approaches the ideal. 
Stern and commanding as an officer he is nevertheless tender 
and sympathetic. His very sensitiveness concerning the feel- 
ings of others embarrasses him in giving expression to his own 
feelings on seeing suffering, unless it should be urgent, but 
those who know^ him best know him to be just, humane and 
tender. No man could have taken more care than he did for 
his regiment in Cuba. Hating oppression and w^rong with a 
vehemency suited to his intense nature, he nevertheless de- 
plores war and bloodshed. The President of the United 
States never did a more worthy act than when he gave to 



l82 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett of the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
try his commission as Brigadier-General of Volunteers in 
recognition of his valor and skill at El Caney and of his gen- 
eral efficiency as an officer in our army. 



TESTIMONIES CONCERNING THE WORK OF THE 
TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY BEFORE EL CANEY. 

Headquarters First District, Southern Luzon, 

El Deposito, P. I., April 20, 1900. 

My Dear General Daggett : — Some time ago I received a let- 
ter from you asking me to make an official statement as to 
where and at what objective the energies and fire of the 25th 
Infantry were directed during the battle of El Caney, Cuba, 
July I, 1898. 

In reply I have the honor to officially state that about noon 
July I, 1898, the regiment moved from the mango grove, near 
the Ducro House, toward a stone fort located on a hill, near the 
town of El Caney. 

It arrived at about one of the afternoon at a point about 
eight hundred yards to the south and east of the fort ; immedi- 
ately deployed, and the First Battalion, under command of Cap- 
tain Walter S. Scott, and of which I was adjutant, designated 
as the attacking line. Presently, after advancing a few yards, 
we were subjected to a galling fire from the stone fort, the 
trenches in its front and from a blockhouse on its right. The 
line steadily moved forward, directing its fire at the stone fort 
and the trenches surrounding it. When within about one hun- 
dred and fifty yards from the fort the line was halted, and sev- 
eral sharpshooters, directed by their company officers to fire 
at the loopholes. Finally, when the men had regained their 
wind, a rush was made, part of the line going through a corn- 
field. At the foot the line was again halted, and after a few mo- 
ments' rest charged up the hill, and the fort surrendered. 

I went to the fort and found a Spanish lieutenant and seven 
enlistrd men whom I passed out and were taken charge of by 
an officer of the 12th Infantry. This Vv'as about 3.50 P. M. 

Note. — Since the above was written, General Daggett served with great 
distinction in the Philippines and in China, and was retired as a brigadier- 
general— a hero of four wars. A bill is now before Congress to make him 
a major-general, an honor to which he is most justly entitled. 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 83 

As soon as the line reached the top of the hill it was fired on 
from the town, which had before been masked by the hill; the 
fire was of course returned, and this was the first fire from the 
battalion directed at the town. About five o'clock firing had 
ceased, the battalion was assembled and marched away. 

(Sd) H. W. FRENCH, 

First Lieutenant, 17th Infantry (late Second Lieutenant 25th 
Infantry. 

A true copy: 

H. G. LEARN ARD, 

Capt. and Adj. 14th Infantry. 

Manila, P. I., ]\Iarch 30, 1900. 
I certify that in the action of El Caney, Cuba, July i, 1898, 
the company I commanded, i. e., H, 25tli Infantry, directed its 
fire almost exclusively on the stone fort and the trench a few 
yards from its base. That very little of this company's fire was 
directed on the town and none before the fort was carried. 

(Sd) VERNON A. CALDWELL, 

First Lieutenant, 25th Infantry. 

A true copy: 

H. G. LEAR^ARD, 

Capt. and Adj. 14th Infantry. 

Tayug, Luzon, Philippine Islands, 

April 17th, 1900. 
To Those in Military Authority. 

Regarding the battle of El Caney, Cuba, July i, 1898, I 
hereby certify: 

1. From about 1.20 o'clock P. M. to the time of the capture 
of the town of El Caney, I was in command of two companies 
— C and G — forming part of the 25th U. S. Infantry firing line. 

2. From about 2.55 o'clock P. M. to the time of the capture 
of the town, very nearly the entire 2Sth Infantry firing line 
was under my observation. 

3. From about 2.55 o'clock P. M. to about 3.20, the time of 
the surrender of the stone fort to the east of the town, the fire 
of the entire 25th Infantry firing line within my sight was 
directed against the fort. 

4. During this period of the battle the 25th Infantry firing 
fine was about 150 yards from the stone fort. 

5. From the time the firing line began firing — about i 



lS4 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

o'clock P. M. — to the time of the surrender of the stone fort — 
about 3.20 P. M. — the companies under my command and all 
others under my observation concentrated their fire on the fort. 

6. About 3.20 P. AI., I was standing about 150 yards from 
the stone fort, and I plainly and distinctly saw a Spaniard ap- 
pear in the door of the fort, and, for two or three seconds, wave 
a white flag at the 25th Infantry firing line, and upon being shot 
down, another Spaniard picked up the flag and likewise waved 
it at the 25th Infantry firing line. 

7. After the white flag had twice been presented to the 25t'Fi 
Infantry firing line, and after all fire from the stone fort had 
ceased, the firing line rushed forward, took up a position facing 
to their left — that is, facing the town — and began a vigorous fire 
on a small blockhouse and on the town. 

Respectfully, JAMES A. MOSS, 

First Lieutenant, 24th U. S. Infantry. 

RECOLLECTIONS OF TPIE SAi.TIAGO CAMPAIGN, BY 

CAPTAIN R. H. R. LOUGHBOROUGH, 25TH U. 

S. INFANTRY. 

The 25th U. S. Infantry left its stations in Montana on the 
loth of April, 1898; six companies (B, C, D, E, F and H) went 
in camp at Chickamauga National Park; the other two com- 
panies (A and G) went to Key West, Fla. 

On May Gth the six companies at the Chickamauga National 
Park moved by rail to Tampa, Fla,, arriving the night of the 
7th, where they were joined by the two companies from Key 
West. With the exception of three days in 1870, the regiment 
had never been together since its organization in 1869. It neces- 
sarily followed that many of the officers, as well as men, were 
strangers to each other. 

Our camp at Tampa was fair; the ground is sandy and flat, 
but as the rainy season had not set in, it was dry and the health 
was good. Drills and parades were held daily (Sundays ex- 
cepted), but on account of the intense heat the hours for it 
were limited to the early mornings and after sunset. The 
clothing of the men was the same they had worn in Montana, 
and did not add to their comfort. Supplies of all kinds (except 
rations) came by piecemeal, and we finally sailed for the tropics 
with the same clothing used in the Northwest. 

At 6 o'clock P. M. June 6th the regiment received orders to 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 85 

Strike tents and be ready to move within an hour ; the order was 
immediately compHed with, though the necessary transportation 
to move the baggage did not report until the forenoon of the 
following day; it was not far from noon when the last of it left 
the camp for the railroad station, en route to Port Tampa, 
where we were to embark on transports for the seat of war. 

As soon as the camp equipage was started, the regiment was 
formed and marched to West Tampa (about three miles), where 
we took a train for Port Tampa, distant nine miles. On arrival, 
the regiment boarded the steamer "Concho," one of the vessels 
to carry the expedition to its destination. The 4th U. S. In- 
fantry had preceded us, and the next day a battaUon of the 2d 
Massachusetts Volunteers was put on, but owing to the crowded 
condition of the ship, a few days later they were transferred to 
another vessel. 

The "Concho" is a large ship, but without the comforts I 
have seen since then on the U. S. Army transports plying be- 
tween San Francisco and Manila. The ships used were hastily 
fitted up for the occasion, and it could not be expected that they 
would be all that was required, but some of the appointments 
could and should have been better. After a tedious wait until 
June 14th, we sailed down Tampa Bay and out on the Gulf of 
Mexico, still in ignorance of our destination. The evening of 
the 15th the light at Dry Tortugas was seen to our right. June 
i6th, 17th and iSth our course was a Httle south of east, and 
part of the time the north coast of Cuba was visible. The 
weather (except the intense heat) was fine. On Sunday morn- 
ing, June i8th, we entered the Windward Passage, and it 
seemed certain, from our course, that Santiago was our ob- 
jective. Early the next morning the high mountains of Santiago 
de Cuba were in plain sight to our north. June 20th and 21st, 
remained off the coast ; the sea was rough and the vessel rolled 
considerably, adding to the discomfort of every one, especiaDy 
those subject to seasickness. During the evening of the 21st, 
orders were received to be ready to disembark the following 
morning. About 8 A. M. on the 22d our warships began shell- 
ing the coast, and two hours later the troops started in small 
boats from the transports to the shore. By evening most of the 
Second Division and part of the Cavalry Division were on 
Cuban soil. There was no opposition to our landing; I believe 
that a small force well handled could have made it very diffi- 
cult, if. indeed, it coiHd not have prevented it. 



l86 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

As soon as the regiment had landed it was marched out 
about four miles and bivouacked for the night. The country is 
rugged and covered with a dense tropical vegetation. A few 
"Cuban Patriots" had joined us and formed the extreme ad- 
vance, saving us some disagreeable outpost duty. This was 
the only service that I know of them doing throughout the 
campaign, though they were always on hand ration day. Later 
developments showed that the service rendered was not so im- 
portant, as any Spanish force had retired to a safe place, some- 
thing our friends looked out for whenever there was any danger. 

June 23d, the regiment started shortly after daylight towards 
the city of Santiago. About 9 o'clock there was a report that 
the enemy were in our front. The regiment was immediately 
formed for battle, and reconnoitering parties sent forward ; 
after about thirty minutes' delay the supposed enemy proved to 
be the large leaves of some tropical trees being moved by the 
wind, giving them the appearance of persons in motion. Our 
route was over a narrow trail, through a dense wilderness ; 
water was scarce and the heat was intense. About noon we ar- 
rived at Siboney, where we bivouacked for the night. Before 
daylight next morning the troops in our rear were heard passing 
on the trail by our camp. Shortly after daylight Captain Ca- 
pron's battery of four guns passed, and the men lined up along 
the road and cheered lustily. About an hour later, musketry fire 
and the occasional discharge of a Hotchkiss gun could be 
plainly heard towards Santiago. About three-quarters of an 
hour later we received orders to march. By mistake, the wrong 
trail was taken, and after marching fourteen hours we returned 
to our camp of the previous night, all fagged out. A great many 
men of the brigade were overcome with heat during this long, 
tiresome and fruitless ramble. I cannot say how many of these 
were of the 25th Infantry, but in my own company (B) thera 
was not a man out of the ranks when the camp was reached, 
(I have called the above-mentioned place "Siboney." There is 
probably some other name for it, as the Cubans have one for 
every hamlet. It is not far from Siboney, and not knowing the 
name, have called it Siboney.) 

On the morning of the 25th we got rations from the transport 
and all enjoyed a hearty breakfast. At i P. M, we broke camp 
and marched to Sevilla, about six. miles. Here we remained 
until the morning of the 27th, part of the regiment being out on 
picket duty. June 27th, the regiment marched three miles 



the^'battle of el caney 187 

towards Santiago and bivouacked on the banks of a small creek. 
Bathing was forbidden, as the creek was the only water supply 
for the army. The troops remained at this place until the after- 
noon of June 30th. The camp was in the valley of the creek, 
the ground is low and flat, and with the heavy rainfall every one 
was uncomfortable. Rations had to be brought from Siboney 
over a trail and did not arrive regularly. 

About I o'clock in the afternoon on the 30th, the officers of 
the regiment vv'ere assembled at headquarters and were notified 
that there would be an attack on the Spanish position the 
next morning. About 4 o'clock the regiment started for its 
position, arriving after 10 o'clock, having covered a distance 
of less than three miles. The route was over an excuse for a 
road, but was crowded with some of the troops of almost every 
organization of the army, causing numberless halts, but worse 
than all, breaking the much-needed rest of the troops. On one 
part of this route I heard men asknig, "What regiment is this?" 
and heard various responses, as follows: "The W. W. W.'s, 
the 1st Cavalry, the 4th Infantry, the loth Cavalry," etc. Some 
one asked, "What are the W. W. W.'s?" and some one replied 
"Wood's Weary Walkers." I do not know who is responsible 
for that condition of affairs. Had we had an enterprising enemy 
in our front, disaster certainly would have followed. Here w'ere 
a number of organizations scattered along a narrow,, muddy 
trail, at the mercy of an active foe. All this was only three or 
four miles from the Spanish works. The men were cheerful, 
and few if any realized that there might be dangfer. 

Most of the men were up and moving about before daylight 
the next morning. Shortly after, the regiment started in the di- 
rection of El Caney. At 9 A. M. we halted in a mango grove 
near the Ducureau mansion. Shortly before noon a mounted 
orderly appeared with a message for the brigade commander. 
A few' minutes later the march towards El Caney was taken up. 
Heavy musketry fire had been heard in that direction since 
shortly before 7 o'clock. A march of little more than a mile 
and the regiment was formed for battle. Companies G and H 
in the firing line, C and D in support, the remaining four corn- 
panes in reserve. 

For two hours or perhaps more the firing was very heavy, 
especially during the second hour. Attention is called to report 
of Colonel A. S. Daggett, pages 387 and 388, "Report of the 
War Department, 1898, Vol. I," and endorsement on same by 



1 88 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

Major-General A. R. Chaffee. He says: "This stone fort was 
practically in the possession of the 12th Infantry at about 2 
P. M. July I." 1 cannot reconcile this statement with the fact 
that between the hours named some of the heaviest firing was 
going on, which does not indicate that its defenders were ready 
to give up. Lord WelHngton once said, "At the end of every 
campaign truth lies at the bottom of a deep well, and it often 
takes twenty years to get her out." This may not be an excep- 
tion. About half-past 4 o'clock the firing ceased and El Caney 
was ours. 

The dead were collected near a hedge and the regiment was 
formed in column of masses to pay a silent tribute of respect to 
our departed comrades. 

The regiment then started for the mango grove where we had 
left our blanket rolls and haversacks. Just as we were starting, 
some men with canteens started for water (about a mile away), 
when orders were received to be ready to march in twenty min- 
utes. A few rods took us back to the road leading to Santiago. 
We moved down the road about three-quarters of a mile and 
halted. Two hours later, the pack train arrived with ammuni- 
tion and then another with rations. Before the latter were is- 
sued orders were issued to move at once to the rear. The regi- 
ment marched over the trail it had come on the day before, ar- 
riving at El Poso about 8 o'clock A. M. Here we took the road 
leading to Santiago. About 9 A. M. we passed under San Juan 
Hill and moved to our right. Our forces held the crest of the 
hill. In passing along the hill we were sheltered from the fire 
except a short space, where one or two men were slightly 
wounded. Arriving at the La Cruz house near the road leading 
from El Caney to Santiago about 3. 30 P. M. and bivouacked for 
the night. About 10 o'clock the troops on our left were at- 
tacked by the Spanish. The firing was very heavy for an hour, 
when it suddenly ceased, and we retired for the night. During 
this time we were under the hill and protected from the fire. 

Next morning (Sunday, July 3d) desultory firing began at day- 
light. About 7 A. M. the regiment left the La Cruz house and 
moved across the Caney-Santiago road and formed line to the 
left and moved forward to a ridge overlooking the city. A 
number of shots fell about us, but no one was struck. Shortly 
after, we were in possession of the ridge and began intrenching. 
The firing was kept up and two men were wounded. About 
noon we were informed that a truce had been estabHshed and 



THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 89 

all work was stopped. This gave all a much-needed rest, though 
it proved to be of short duration, caused by a false alarm by 
Major Webb, the inspector of the division staff. 

During the afternoon the regiment was moved to the foot of 
the ridge, leaving only the pickets on the crest. About 8.30 
P. M. we were ordered to the picket line and began intrenching. 
The tall grass was wet from a drenching rain a few hours be- 
fore. The ground, though wet, was hard, and slow progress 
was made, having only their bayonets for picks and their bare 
hands for shovels. All night this work went on. The men 
were tired and hungry (as rations had not come up that day), 
but worked faithfully. During this, and I will add, throughout 
the campaign, I never heard a murmur nor a complaint ; even 
when almost all the men of the regiment were down with fever 
and bowel trouble they were cheerful and ready to do any duty 
they were called on for. 

The morning of July 3d Cervera's fleet sailed down the bay. 
An officer rode by our part of the line about half-past 9 and in- 
formed us of it. A few minutes later wc heard the roar of the 
big guns, though at the time I little thought of what was going 
on. In the afternoon we heard cheering on our line way to the 
left, and as the good news came along it v/as taken up, and 
soon the whole line was shouting. 

On the morning of July 5th the non-combatants left San- 
tiago by two roads, one passing through our line. It was a piti- 
ful sight. During the forenoon of the 5th we moved about a 
mile to the right and began intrenching. This position was very 
near the Spanish line, and quite elaborate works were con- 
structed. We remained in this position until the morning of 
the nth, when the regiment was ordered to the right of the 
line, about three miles. Here we intrenched. About i P. M. 
a truce was announced. 

At 9.15 P. M. a staff officer came to the regimental com- 
mander's tent and informed him that the regiment was to be 
on the line at 12 o'clock midnight, and as soon as the moon 
rose to advance through the jungle until fired on, when the line 
was to halt and intrench. The night was stormy and any moon 
there might have been was obscured by the clouds. We were 
up, however, standing until daylight in a drenching rain, for 
it was so dark that any movement was impossible. Our rest 
was broken, without accomplishing anything that I know or 
heard of. 



190 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 

However, the rain and storm were providential, for I will al- 
ways believe if the movement had been started we should have 
met with disaster. The ground was broken, deep ravines and 
underbrush with wire fences running through it. I have never 
learned who was "the father" of this order, and possibly never 
will. He must be ashamed of it. 

The afternoon of the 12th the regiment advanced several 
hundred yards to the front and dug more intrenchments. They 
were still on this work the afternoon of the 14th when it was 
announced that the Spanish army had agreed to surrender. 
This came none too soon, for our men were coming down with 
malarial fever. A few days later nearly half the regiment were 
on the sick list, and the balance could not have done much. 

The regiment was moved the same afternoon to higher 
ground in rear of the trenches. Strong guards were kept to 
look out for our prisoners and to prevent "our allies," the 
Cubans, from going into the city. 

On the morning of the 17th the formal surrender of the city 
and Spanish army took place. We were some distance away 
and did not see anything of the ceremony. 

On July 25th the regiment was moved about a mile further 
back in the hills and made camp, our tents, etc., having been 
brought up from the transport. Medicines appeared very 
scarce, resulting in much suffering. The food supplied was 
totally unfit for our new surroundings, and I believe not a little 
of the sickness can be traced to this. Our last camp was as 
good as any to be found in that vicinity. 

The regiment remained in camp until August 13th, when it 
cm.lbarked on the- transport "Camanche" for Montauk Point, 
arriving on the i8th, and landed on the 23d. 

B. H. R. LOUGHBOROUGH, 

Captain, 25th Infantry. 



SAN JUAN 191 



CHAPTER VII. 



SAN JUAN. 
Cavalry Division: The Ninth and Tenth Regiments. 

When Lawton's division swung off to the right to engage 
the enemy at El Caney, with the results described in the pre- 
ceeding chapter, the divisions of Wheeler and Kent were or- 
dered to proceed directly along the Santiago road toward San 
Juan. Within a mile from El Pozo, the point where they had 
bivouacked for the night of the 30th, the troops arrived at the 
Aguadores River, which crosses the road here within less than 
a mile from San Juan Heights. Wlieeler's division headed 
the column, although that general was not commanding. He 
had been relieved on the afternoon of the 30th and did not 
resume command until about 4 o'clock on July i,* long after 
the heights had been carried, although he was on the field 
shortly after i o'clock of that day. 

The Dismounted Cavalry Division on the morning of July 
I presented 2,663 fighting men, including officers. The First 
Brigade, commanded by Colonel Carrol, had 50 officers and 
1,054 men, in regiments as follows: Third Cavalry, 22 offi- 
cers, 420 men; Sixth Cavalry, 16 officers, 427 men; Ninth 
Cavalry, 12 officers, 207 men, the Ninth having hardly one- 
half the strength of either of the other regiments of the bri- 
gade. The Second Brigade, commanded by General Wood, 
contained 1,559 persons, distributed as follows: Brigade stafif, 
9 officers, 14 men; First Cavalry, 21 officers, 501 men; Tenth 

*Official Report of General Sumner. 



192 SAN JUAN 

Cavalry, 22 officers, 507 men; First Volunteer Cavalry 
(Rough Riders), 25 officers, 517 men. 

Before the troops left El Poso, Grimes' battery had been put 
in position and had fired a few shots at a blockhouse on San 
Juan Hill, distance 2,600 yards. Using black powder, which 
created a cloud of smoke with every shot, the battery was 
readily located by the foe, and the shrapnel from their guns 
was soon bursting among our forces. The second shot from 
the Spaniards wounded four of the Rough Riders and two or 
three of the regulars, while a third killed and wounded sev- 
eral Cubans. As a matter of course there Avas a rapid move- 
ments of the troops from that immediate vicinity. The firing 
soon ceased, and the troops took up that general advance 
movement already noted. 

It is no easy task to follow the movements of the Cavalry 
Division from the time it left El Poso that July morning un- 
til it finally entrenched itself for the night on San Juan Hills, 
/.s heretofore we will take the official reports first, and from 
them make up the itinerary and the movements of the battle 
that followed, as far as they will enable us to do so. General 
Sumne- says the division proceeded toward Santiago, and 
vvhcn about three-fourths of a mile from El Poso was halted in 
a narrow road to await orders and remained there for nearly 
an hour, subject to the effects of heavy artillery fire from 
the enemy's battery. Major Wessells, of the Third Cavalry, 
says, while following the road toward Santiago that morn, 
"much delay ensued from some reason unknown to the under- 
signed," and that the First Brigade of the division arrived at 
San Juan ford about 10 o'clock. This creek was about five 
himdred yards farther toward Santiago than Aguadores 
River, and ran about parallel with San Juan Heights, from 
which it was about three-fourths of a mile distant. 



SAN JUAN 193 

The orders for which General Sumner had waited nearly 
an hour under fire had come and were "verbal instructions to 
move to the San Juan Creek and hold it." Reaching this 
creek his advance guard was met by the Spaniards who fired 
one volley and retreated to a position on a hill on Sumner's 
right front, about 1,200 yards distant. Crossing this creek 
with sufficient strength to hold it, Sumner was now ordered 
to move by the right flank and connect wnth Lawton's left. 
While his troops were in this massed condition prior to de- 
ploying to the right through a thick jungle, the balloon that 
was in use for purposes of reconnoitering, came up the road 
and exposed itself to the full view of the Spaniards upon the 
heights. They needed no further invitation to direct toward 
our forces their artillery, for which the balloon became a fly- 
ing target. Many officers and men were wounded here by 
exploding shells and small arms' fire of the enemy (Sumner). 
Under this fire, however, the troops were deployed as ordered. 

Colonel Wood, who had charge of the Second Brigade, of 
which the Rough Riders were the leading regiment, says this 
"regiment was directed to change direction to the right, and 
by moving up the creek to effect a junction with General 
Lawton's division, w^iich was engaged at Caney, about one 
and a-half miles toward the right, but was supposed to be 
working toward our right flank. After proceeding in this di- 
rection about half a mile the effort to connect with General 
Lawton was given up." This movement to the right took 
place between ten and eleven o'clock, at which time Lawton's 
forces had made no impression upon El Caney, and he was far 
from making any movement which might be described as 
working toward the right flank of the Cavalry Division. Law- 
ton was not found by that half-hour's search to the right; and 

13 



194 SAN JUAN 

it was evident that something must be done by these troops in 
front, and done quickly. The whole division was under fire, 
and the battle on the Spanish side w^as in actual progress. 
True our men were hidden away in the jungle that bordered 
the creek, but their position w-as known to the Spaniards, 
and leaves and boughs are no cover from shot and shell. They 
were receiving the fire of the enemy and making no reply 
whatever, save by the few ineffective shots from the far away 
battery on El Poso Hill. 

Directly in front of the cavalry division was a little hill oc- 
cupied by a Spanish force. This hill is called in General 
Wood's report East Hill, but in the literature of the battle it 
is usaully mentioned as Kettle Hill. The fire in part was 
coming from here. Colonel Wood gives another report of 
the morning's experience in which he says: "The brigade 
moved down the road toward Santiago in rear of the First Bri- 
gade, with instructions to deploy to the right after crossing 
the San Juan, and continue to extend to the right, reaching 
out toward General Lawton's left and holding ourselves in 
rear of the First Brigade as a support. On reaching the 
stream the First Volunteer Cavalry, which was in the lead, 
crossed the stream with comparatively slight loss and de- 
ployed to the right in good order, but at this time a captive 
balloon was led down the rovid in which the troops were 
massed, and finally anchored at the crossing of the stream. 
The approach and anchoring of this balloon served to indi- 
cate the line of approach of the troops and to locate the ford, 
and the result was a terrific converging of artillery and rifle 
fire on the ford, which resulted in severe loss of men. Under 
this fire the First United States Cavalry and the Tenth United 
States Cavalry crossed the stream and deployed to the right 



SAN JUAN 195 

where they were placed in position in rear of the First Bri- 
gade. Two regiments of the Second Brigade, to wit., the 
First and the Tenth Regular Cavalry, were located in the rear 
of the First Brigade. The First Regular Cavalry had begun 
Its day's work as support of Grimes' battery, but had later 
come forward and taken its place in the brigade time enough 
to join in the action that followed. 

"After completing the deployment," says Sumner, "the 
command was so much committed to battle that it became 
necessary either to advance or else retreat under fire." The 
troops were already in battle, but were not fighting, -and could 
not do so in their present position, simply because they could 
not see the enemy. "Lieutenant Miley, representing General 
Shafter, authorized an advance, which was ordered, Carroll's 
brigade taking the advance, reinforced on the right by 
Roosevelt's regiment, and supported by the First and Tenth 
Cavalry." (Sumner.) Colonel Wood says : "After remain- 
ing in this position for about an hour (meaning the position 
held by his brigade previous to the coming of the order to 
advance) the order to advance was given, and the brigade ad- 
vanced in good order as possible, but more or less broken up 
by the masses of brush and heavy grass and cactus; passing 
through the line of the First Brigade, mingling with them and 
charging the hill in conjunction vv^ith these troops, as well as 
some few infantry who had extended to the right." It musi 
be remembered that the First Brigade consisted wholly of 
regulars, the Third, Sixth and Ninth Cavalry, while the 
Second Brigade bad that remarkable regiment, the Rough 
Riders. This fact may account for their breaking through 
the lines of the First Brigade. Major Wessehs, who com- 
manded tne Tnird Cavalry in that fight, and was himself 



196 SAN JUAN 

wounded at the close of the first charge, says his regiment be- 
came entangled with other regiments, but, nevertheless, was 
to the crest qs soon as any. Of the advance of the whole divis- 
ion, General Sumner says : "The advance was made under 
heavy infantry fire, through open flat ground, cut up by wire 
fences, to the creek, distant about 600 yards. The advance 
was made in good order, the enemy's fire being returned only 
under favorable opportunities. In crossing the flat one officer 
and several men were killed and several officers and men 
wounded. Both sides of the creek were heavily wooded for 
about 200 yards. The creek was swollen, and the crossing 
through this space and the creek was made with great difii- 
culty. 

"After passing through the thick woods the ground was en- 
tirely open and fenced by wire. From this line it was neces- 
sary to storm the hill, upon the top of which is a house, loop- 
holed for defense. The slope of the hill is very difficult, but 
the assault was made with great gallantry and with much loss 
to the enemy. In this assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants 
Smith and Shipp were killed ; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants 
Thayer and Myer were wounded. A number of casualties 
occurred among the enlisted men." The heights were carried 
by the whole division. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Baldwin's account of the part his regi- 
ment took in the assault upon San Juan is told about as fol- 
lows: After the search for Lawton had been given up, the 
First and Tenth Cavalry were formed for attack on East Hill. 
"I was directed," he says, "to take a position to the right, be- 
hind the river bank, for protection. While moving to this 
position, and while there, the regiment suffered considerable 
loss. After an interval of twenty or thirty minutes I was di- 



SAN JUAN 197 

rected to form line of battle in a partially open field facing 
toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north 
occupied by the enemy. Much difficulty was found on account 
of the dense undergrov/th, crossed in several directions by 
wire fences. As a part of the cavalry division under General 
Sumner, the regiment was formed in two lines, the First 
Squadron under Major S. T. Norvell, consisting of Troops 
A, B, E land I, leading; the second line, under Major T. J. 
Wint, consisting of Troops C, F and G. Troop D having 
crossed farther down the river, attached itself to a command 
of infantry and moved with that command on the second 
blockhouse. The regiment advanced in this formation in r. 
heavy converging fire from the enemy's position, proceeding 
but a short distance when the two lines were united into one. 
The advance was rapidly continued in an irregular line toward 
the blockhouses and intrenchments to the right front. Dur- 
ing this advance the line passed some troops of the First Cav- 
alry, which I think had previously been formed on our right. 
S«-veral losses occurred before reaching the top of the hill. 
First Lieutenant William H. Smith being killed as he arrived 
on its crest. The enemy having retreated toward the north- 
west to the second and third blockhouses, new lines were 
formed and a rapid advance was made upon these new posi- 
tions. The regiment assisted in capturing these works from 
the enemy, and with the exception of Troops C and I, which 
in the meantime had joined the First Volunteer Cavalry, then 
took up a position to the north of the second blockhouse, re- 
maining there all night." 

Major Norvell, who commanded the First Squadron of the 
Tenth Cavelry, which consisted of Troops A. B, E and I, 
gives the following account of the experiences of July ist: 



198 SAN JUAN 

"The regiment took position in a wood, and here suffered 
considerable loss, due to the fact that the whole of the enemy's 
fire appeared to be directed to this point. In a short time we 
moved out of the wood by the right flank and then deployed 
to the left, being then directly in front of the enemy and one 
mile distant from his works, marked by three houses about 
half a mile from one another. The enemy was strongly en- 
trenched in front of these houses. The line, consisting of the 
cavalry division, under direction of Brigadier-General Sum- 
ner, moved forward in double time, under a terrific fire of the 
enemy. We had a very heavy jungle to march through, be- 
side the river (San Juan) to cross, and during our progress 
many men were killed and wounded. The troops became 
separated from one another, though the general line was pretty 
well preserved. The works of the enemy were carried in suc- 
cession by the troops ; and the Spaniards were steadily driven 
back toward the town to their last ditches. We now found 
ourselves about half a mile from the city, but the troops be- 
ing by this time nearly exhausted, here intrenched them- 
selves for the night under a heavy fire. By dark this line was 
occupied by all the troops engaged during the day." 

The official reports of the troop commanders of the Tenth 
Cavalry bring out a few more particulars which serve to give 
us a more vivid conception of this moving line. The entire 
cavalry division advanced together, and notwithstanding the 
roughness of the ground. Major Norvell assures us the line 
was pretty well preserved. Troops A, B, E and I were in the 
First Squadron, which was in the lead; Troops C, F and G 
were in the second line; Troop D made its advance with the 
infantry off to the left. We have now a fair knowledge of 
the general movement of the whole regiment. Let us follow 



SAN JUAN 199 



the fortunes of some of the Troops, and by that means get 
nearer to the work done by the individual soldier. 

Troop A was on the right of the leading squadron as the 
regiment took its place in line on the left of the First Cavalry 
and moved against the Spanish blockhouses in the face of a 
heavy fire, making a rush forward without intermission. A 
portion of the right platoon, under Lieutenant Livermore, be- 
came separated in one of the thickets, and under instructions 
received personally from the brigade commander, who seems 
to have been everywhere where he was needed, continued up 
the slope toward his right and toward the first blockhouse. 
The remainder of the troop, commanded by Captain Beck and 
Lieutenant McCoy, moved in the same direction at first, but 
observing that on account of the shorter distance to the slope 
from that end of the line, a large number of troops were ar- 
riving there. Captain Beck swung his troop to the left and 
reached the summit of the hill between the second and third 
blockhouses, and on arriving received a message by an aid of 
the brigade commander to hold the ridge. Just then Lieut. 
Livermore arrived, having come by way of Blockhouse No. i. 
The troop now being together, held the crest for an hour. At 
times the fire of the enemy was so severe and Captain Beck's 
force so small that there was great danger that he would b- 
compelled to abandon the position, but fortunately at the most 
critical juncture Lieutenant Lyon of the Twenty-fourth Infan- 
try came up with a few reinforcements, and Lieutenant Hughes 
of the Tenth Cavalry with a Hotchkiss gun. Lieutenant 
Lyon formed his troops to the left of the gun. Troop A of the 
Tenth Cavalry being on the right. With this force the posi- 
tion was held until other troops arrived. Soon after, the 
squadron was reformed and the men entrenched themselves 



200 SAN JUAN 

under fire. Troop B was next to Troop A and advanced a» 
skirmishers by rushes and double time, but soon found its 
front blocked by other troops. Troop I advanced in two sec- 
tions, the left being commanded by Lieutenant Miller, joined 
in the attack on the right of the enemy's position; the right 
commanded by Lieutenant Fleming, advanced on trenches be- 
tween two blockhouses, and in so doing caught up with the 
rest of the troop. The first half of the troop, after attacking 
the blockhouse on right of the enemy's position then crossed 
the valley and attacked the blockhouse on the left of enemy ''s 
position, and then moved forward with the First Regular Cav- 
alry and First Volunteer Cavalry, until the troop assembled as 
a whole. When it reached the place of intrenchment there 
were altogether about one hundred men at that point of the 
ridge, consisting of men from the Tenth Cavalry and of the 
Rough Riders. It is claimed by Lieutenant Anderson, who 
commanded Troop C, and who made his way to the front on 
the right ol the une, that after coming up on the second hill 
and joining his troop to the left of Troop I, Colonel Roose- 
velt and part of his regiment joined on the right of the Tenth. 
and that he reported to him, placing C Troop in his com- 
man. Before this time Lieutenant Anderson had reported to 
Captain Jones, of Troop F, while they were on Kettle Hill, 
and the Two troops, F and C, had been formed in skirmish 
line and moved .against the second blockhouse. In this move- 
ment Troop C got separated from Captain Jones, and Ander- 
son, with i8 men of his own troop and several from other or- 
ganizations, moved forward until he connected with Troop I, 
as previously narrated. These troops, C and I, were reported 
by their Colonel as having joined the First Volunteer Cav- 
alry. All of the troop commanders who were immediatelv 



SAN JUAN 20I 

with the men bear hearty testimony to their good conducr. 
Captain Jones, commanding Troop F, says : 'T could only do 
justice to the troop by mentioning by name all who were en- 
gaged, not only for their bravery, but for their splendid dis- 
cipline under the most demoralizing fire." Lieutenant Flem- 
ing, commanding Troop I, says : "The entire troop behaved 
with great gallantry. Private Elsie Jones particularly dis- 
tinguished himself." Captain Beck, commanding Troop A, 
says: "The behaviour of the enlisted men was magnificent, 
paying studious attention to orders while on the firing line,. 
and generally exhibiting an intrepidity which marks the first- 
class soldier." Lieutenant Hughes, who commanded the 
Hotchkiss gun detachment, mentions four men for conspic- 
uous bravery and commends his entire detachment for "spirit, 
enterprise and good behavior." 

The official story is that the entire cavalry division ad- 
vanced under orders from General Sumner and that the heft of 
its first blow fell upon Kettle Hill, which was soon captured, 
and on the crest of this hill the troops which had ascended it 
made a temporary halt, reformed their lines somewhat and 
immediately advanced upon the second hill to the help of that 
part of the cavalry division which had swung to the left in the 
advance, and also to the help of the infantry who were coming 
against Fort San Juan at the same time. Meanwhile there 
was left upon Kettle Hill a sufficient garrison or force to pre- 
vent its being recaptured by the enemy. In the assault on 
Kettle Hill the brigade commander. Colonel Carroll, had been 
wounded, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton of the Ninth 
Cavalry killed. Many troop officers also had been either 
killed or wounded and also in the rush forward through the 
jungle and high grass some troops had been separated from 



202 SAN JUAN 

their officers, and yet it is remarkable that all were ready to 
move forward to the next assault. 

The words of praise to the whole cavalry division contained 
in the following order, published at Camp Wikoff immediately 
after the arrival there of the troops, are claimed by both black 
and white cavalrymen alike: 

Headquarters, Cavalry Division, 
Camp Wikoff, L. I., September 7th, 1898. 

To the Officers and Soldiers of the Cavalry Division, Army of 
Santiago. 

The duties for which the troops comprising the Cavalry Di- 
vision were brought together have been accomplished. 

On June 14th we sailed from Tampa, Fla., to encounter in 
the sickly season the diseases of the tropical island of Cuba, 
and to face and attack the historic legions of Spain in positions 
chosen by them and which for years they had been strength- 
ening by every contrivance and art known to the skillful military 
engineers of Europe. 

On the 23d, one squadron each of the ist and loth Regular 
Cavalry and two squadrons of the ist Volunteer Cavalry, in all 
964 officers and men, landed on Cuban soil. These troops 
marched on foot fourteen miles, and, early on the morning of 
the 24th, attacked and defeated double their number of regular 
Spanish soldiers under the command of Lieutenant-General 
Linares. Eagerly and cheerfully you pushed onward, and on 
July 1st forded San Juan River and gallantly swept over San 
Juan Hill, driving the enemy from its crest. Without a mo- 
ment's halt you formed, aligning the division upon the ist In- 
fantry Division under General Kent, and, together with these 
troops, you bravely charged and carried the formidable in- 
trenchments of Fort San Juan. The entire force which fought 
and won this great victory was less than seven thousand men. 

The astonished enemy, though still protected by the strong 
works to which he had made his retreat, was so stunned by your 
determined valor that his only thought was to devise the quick- 
est means of saving himself from further battle. The great 
Spanish fleet hastily sought escape from the harbor and was 
destroyed by our matchless navy. 

After seizing the fortifications of San Juan Ridge, you, in 



SAN JUAN 203 

the darkness of night, strongly intrenched the position your 
valor had won. Reinforced by Bates' Brigade on your left 
and Lawton's Division on your right, you continued the com- 
bat until the Spanish army of Santiago Province succumbed to 
the superb prowess and courage of American arms. Peace 
promptly followed, and you return to receive the plaudits of 
seventy millions of people. 

The valor displayed by you was not without sacrifice. Eigh- 
teen per cent., or nearly one in five, of the Cavalry Division fell 
on the field either killed or wounded. We mourn the loss of 
these heroic dead, and a grateful country will always revere 
their memory. 

Whatever may be my fate, wherever my steps may lead, my 
heart \\*fll always burn with increasing admiration for your cour- 
age in action, your fortitude under privation and your constant 
devotion to duty in its highest sense, whether in battle, in biv- 
ouac or upon the march. 

JOSEPH WHEELER, 
Major-General U. S. V., Commanding. 

Aside from that part of the Tenth Cavalry who fought un- 
der General Wheeler and who are consequently included 
among those congratulated by the General Order just quoted. 
Troop M of that regiment, under command of Lieutenant C. 
P. Johnson, performed an important part in the war. The 
troop consisted of 50 men and left Port Tampa June 21 on 
board the steamship Florida, the steamship Fanita also mak- 
ing a part of the expedition. The troop was mounted and 
was accompanied by a pack train of 65 animals. Both ships 
were heavily loaded with clothing, ammunition and provision, 
and had on board besides Lieutenant Johnson's command, 
General Nunez and staff and 375 armed Cubans. The expedi- 
tion sailed around the west end of the island and attempted 
a landing at a point chosen by General Nunez on June 29, btit 
failed owing to the fact that the place chosen was well guarded 
by Spaniards, who fired upon the landing party. The expedi- 
tion had with it a small gunboat, the Peoria, commanded by 



204 SAN JUAN 

Captain Ryan, and on the afternoon of June 30th an attack 
was made upon a blockhouse on the shore by the gunboat, and 
a small force of Cuban and American volunteers landed, but 
were repulsed with the loss of one killed, General Nunez's 
brother, ^nd seven wounded. Two days later Lieutenant 
Johnson was able to land and immediately made connection 
with General Gomez, unloading his stores for the Cuban 
Army. 

Lieutenant G. P. Ahearn, of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, who 
went on this expedition as a volunteer, rendered important 
service on the night after the attack on the blockhouse at 
Tayabacoa. As the attacking party met with repulse and es- 
caped to the ship in the darkness, several of their wounded 
were left on shore. Several boats sent out to recover them 
had returned without the men, their crews fearing to go on 
shore after them. Lieutenant Ahearn volunteered to attempt 
the rescue of the men, and taking a water-logged boat, ap- 
proached the shore noiselessly and succeeded in his under- 
taking. The crew accompanying Lieutenant Ahearn was made 
up of men from Troop M, Tenth Cavalry, and behaved so well 
that the four were given Medals of Honor for their marked 
gallantry. The action of Lieutenant Ahearn in this case was 
in keeping with his whole military career. He has ever mani- 
fested a fondness for exceptional service, and has never failed 
when opportunity occurred to display a noble gallantry on 
the side of humanity. Nothing appeals to him so command- 
ingly as an individual needing rescue, and in such a cause he 
immediately rises to the hero's plane. The noble colored sol- 
diers who won medals on that occasion were all privates and 
became heroes for humanity's sake. Their names deserve a 
place in this history outside the mere official table. They were 



SAN JUAN 205 

Dennis Bell, George H. Wanton, Fit;^ Lee and William H. 
Tompkins, and were the only colored soldiers who, at the time 
of this writing, have won Medals of Honor in the Spanish 
War. Others, however, may yet be given, as doubtless others 
are deserved. The heroic service performed by whole regi- 
ments, as in the case of the Twenty-fourth Infantry, should 
entitle every man in it to a medal of some form as a souvenir 
for his posterity. 

Losses of the Ninth Cavalry in the battles of San Juan : 

Officers — Killed, Lieutenant-Colonel John M. Hamilton. 

Men — Killed, Trumpeter Lewis Fort, Private James John- 
son. 

OIfficers — Wounded, Adjutant Winthrop S. Wood, Cap- 
tain Charles W. Taylor. 

Men — Wounded. First Sergeant Charles W. Jefferson, 
Sergeant i\dam Moore, Sergeant Henry F. Wall, Sergeant 
Thomas B. Craig, Corporal James W. Ervine, Corporal Hor- 
ace T. Henry, Corporal John Mason, Burwell Bullock, 
Elijah Crippen, Edward Davis, Hoyle Ervin, James Gandy, 
Edward D. Nelson, Noah Prince, Thomas Sinclair, James R. 
Spear, Jr., Jacob Tull, William PL Turner, George Warren, 
Alfred Wilson. 

Losses of the Tenth Cavalry during the battle of San Juan : 

Officers — Killed, First Lieutenant W. E. Shipp, First 
Lieutenant W. H. Smith. 

Men — Killed, John H. Smoot, Corporal W. F. Johnson, 
John H. Dodson, George Stroal, William H. Slaughter. 

Officers — Wounded, Major T. J. Wint Captain John 
Bigelow, Jr., Adjutant and First Lieutenant M. H. Barnum. 
First Lieutenant R. L. Livermore, First Lieutenant E. D. An- 
derson, Second Lieutenant F. R. McCoy, Second Lieutenant 



2o6 SAN JUAN 

H. C. Whitehead, Second Lieutenant T. A. Roberts, Second 
Lieutenant H. O. Willard. 

Men — Wounded, First Sergeant A. Houston, First Ser- 
geant Robert Milbrown, Q. M. Sergeant William Payne, Ser- 
geant Smith Johnson, Sergeant Ed. Lane, Sergeant Walker 
Johnson, Sergeant George Dyers, Sergeant Willis Hatcher, 
Sergeant John L. Taylor, Sergeant Amos Elliston, Sergeant 
Frank Rankin, Sergeant E. S. Washington, Sergeant U. G. 
Gunter, Corporal J. G. Mitchell, Corporal Allen Jones, Cor- 
poral Marcellus Wright, Privates Lewis L. Anderson, John 
Arnold, Charles Arthur, John Brown, Frank D. Bennett, 
Wade Bledsoe, Hillary Brown, Thornton Burkley, John 
Brooks, W. H. Brown, Wm. A. Cooper, John Chinn, J. PL 
Campbell, Henry Fearn, Benjamin Franklin, Gilmore Givens, 
B. F. Gaskins, William Gregory, Luther D. Gould, Wiley, 
Hipsher, Thomas Hardy, Charles Hopkins, Richard James, 
Wesley Jones, Robert E. Lee, Sprague Lewis, Henry McCor- 
mack, Samuel T. Minor, Lewis Marshall, William Matthews, 
Houston Riddill, Charles Robinson, Frank Ridgeley, Fred. 
Shackley, Harry D. Sturgis, Peter Saunderson, John T. Tay- 
lor, William Tyler, Isom Taylor, John Watson, Benjamin 
West. Joseph Williams, Allen E. Wliite, Nathan Wyatt. 



Note. — "While we talked, and the soldiers filled their can- 
teens and drank deep and long, like camels who, after days of 
travel through the land of 'thirst and emptiness,' have reached 
the green oasis and the desert spring, a black corporal of the 
24th Infantry walked wearily up to the 'water hole.' He was 
muddy and bedraggled. He carried no cup or canteen, and 
stretched himself out over the stepping-stones in the stream, 
sipping up the water and the mud together out of the shallow 
pool. A white cavalryman ran toward him shouting, 'Hold on, 
bunkie; here's my cup!' The negro looked dazed a moment^ 
and not a few of the spectators showed amazement, for such 



SAN JUAN 



207 



a thing had rarely if ever happened in the army before. 'Thank 
you,' said the black corporal. 'Well, we are all lighting under 
the same flag now.' And so he drank out of the white man's 
cup. J was glad to see that I was not the only man who had 
come to recognize the justice of certain Constitutional amend- 
ments, in the light of the gallant behaviour of the colored troops 
throughout the battle, and, indeed, the campaign. The fortune 
of war had, of course, something to do with it in presenting to 
the colored troops the oportunities for distinguished service, 
of which they invariably availed themselves to the fullest ex- 
tent ; but the confidence of the general officers in their superb 
gallantry, which the event proved to be not misplaced, added 
still more, and it is a fact that the services of no four white 
regiments can be compared with those rendered by the four 
colored regiments — the 9th and itoh Cavalry, and the 24th and 
25th Infantry. They wxre to the front at La Guasima, at Caney, 
and at San Juan, and what was the severest test of all, that 
came later, in the yellov»-fever hospitals." — Bonsai. 




2o8 , SAN JUAN 



CHAPTER VIII. 



SAN JUAN (Continued). 

Kent's Division: The Twenty-fourth Infantry; Forming Under Fire— 
A Gallant Charge. 

Turning now to the centre and left of the American line we 
follow the advance of that division of infantry commanded 
by General Kent, and which met the brunt of Spanish resist- 
ance at San Juan. This division, known as the First Division, 
Fifth Army Corps, consisted of three brigades, composed as 
follows : 

First Brigade, Brigadier-General Hawkins commanding, 
made up of the Sixth Infantry, the Sixteenth Infantry, and 
the Seventy-first New York Volunteers. 

The Second Brigade, Colonel Pearson commanding, made 
up of the Second Infantry, the Tenth Infantry and the 
Twenty-first Infantry. 

The Third Brigade, commanded by Colonel Wikoff, in 
which were the Ninth Infantry, the Thirteenth Infantry and 
the Twenty-fourth Infantry; in all 262 officers and 5,095 men. 
Thus, in the whole division there were eight regiments of 
regular infantry and one volunteer regiment, the Seventy-first 
New York. 

Although our present purpose is to bring into view the spec- 
ial work of the Twent3^-fourth Infantry, it will be necessary 
to embrace in our scope the work of the entire division, in or- 
der to lay before the reader the field upon which that particu- 
lar regiment won such lasting credit. General Kent, who 



<AN JUAN 209 

commanded the division, a most accomplished soldier, gives a 
lucid account of the whole assault as seen from his position, 
and of the w^ork performed by his division, in his report, dated 
July 8, 1898. 

When General Kent's division arrived in the neighborhood 
of the San Juan ford and found itself under jfire and the trail 
so blocked by troops of the cavalry division, which had not 
yet deployed to the right, that direct progress toward the front 
was next to impossible, the welcome information was given 
by the balloon managers that a trail branched off to the left 
from the main trail, only a short distance back from the ford. 
This trail led to a ford some distance lower down the stream 
and nearly facing the works on the enemy's right. General 
Kent on leaniing of this outlet immediately hastened back 
to the forks and meeting the Seventy-first New York Regi- 
ment, the rear regiment of the First Brigade, he directed that 
regiment into this trail toward the ford. The regiment was 
to lead the way through this new trail and would consequently 
arrive at the front first on the left ; but meeting the fire of the 
enemy, the First Battalion of the regiment apparently became 
panic stricken and recoiled upon the rest of the regiment; the 
regiment then lay down on the sides of the trail and in the 
bushes, thoroughly demoralized. 

Wikoff's brigade was now coming up and it was directed 
upon the same trail. This brigade consisted of the Ninth, 
Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth. Colonel Wikoff was directed 
by General Kent to move his brigade across the creek by the 
trail (the left fork) and when reaching the opposite side of 
the creek to put the brigade in line on the left of the trail and 
begin the attack at once. In executing this order the entire 
brigade stumbled through and over hundreds of men of the 



2 10 SAN JUAN 

Seventy-first New York Regiment. When a volunteer regi- 
ment broke through the lines of the Ninth Cavalry from the 
rear, that regiment was in its place on the field in line of bat- 
tle, with its morale perfect. It was under disciDline and de- 
livering its fire with regularity. It had an absolute right to 
its place. The Seventy-first was in no such attitude, and Gen- 
eral Kent directed the advance through it in these words: 
"Tell the brigade to pay no attention to this sort of thing; it 
is highly irregular." The Ninth Cavalry's position was ex- 
actly regular; the position of the Seventh-first was to the eyes 
of General Kent "highly irregular." 

The three regiments of this brigade were to take their ^xx- 
sitions on the left of the ford after crossing the stream, in 
the following order : On the extreme left the Twenty- fourth ; 
next to it in the centre of the brigade, the Ninth, and on the 
right of the brigade the Thirteenth. In approaching the ford 
the Ninth and Twenty-fourth became mixed and crossed in 
the following order : First one battalion of the Ninth ; then <t 
battalion of the Twenty- fourth ; then the second battalion of 
the Ninth, followed by the second battalion of the Twenty- 
fourth. The line was formed under fire, and while superin- 
tending its formation the brigade commander. Colonel Wikoff, 
came under observation and was killed; Lieutenant-Colonel 
Worth, who succeeded him, was seriously wounded within five 
minutes after having taking command, and Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Liscum, who next assumed charge of the brigade, had 
hardly learned that he was in command before he, too, was 
disabled by a Spanish shot. By this time, however, the for- 
mation was about complete and the brigade ready to begin the 
advance. 

Leaving Wikoff's brigade in line ready to begin the advance 



SAN JUAN 2 1 I 

we must now return in our narrative to the main ford, where 
the major portions of Hawkins' and Pearson's brigades are 
massed and follow the various regiments as they come to their 
places in the battle line preparing for the onslaught. After 
crossing the ford with the Sixth Infantry, pursuant to the or- 
ders given by Lieutenant Miley in the name of General 
Shafter, General Hawkins attempted to flank the enemy by a 
movement to the left, the Sixth Infantry leading and the Six- 
teenth intending to pass beyond it in its rear and join to its 
left. The Sixth in passing to its intended position passed to 
the left of the Sixth Cavalry, which held the left of the line of 
the cavalry division, which had crossed the ford and deployed 
to the right, reaching beyond the Spanish lines in that direc- 
tion, or at least it was able to reach the extreme right of the 
enemy. The Sixth Infantry continued this line southward 
and it was to be farther extended by the Sixteenth. Before 
this disposition could be effected the fire of the enemy became 
so severe that an advance movement was started and the Sixth 
lined up facing the fort on the hill, with only one company and 
a half of the Sixteenth on its left. 

While Hawkins' and Wikoff's brigades were preparing for 
the advance upon the enemy's works, Pearson's brigade was 
approaching the ford, hurrying to the support. The Twenty- 
first Regiment of this brigade was detached from the brigade 
and sent directly forward on the main trail with orders to re- 
enforce the firing line. This regiment crossed the San Juan 
River to the left of the main ford and rushed forward to sup- 
port Hawkins' left. In the meantime the two other regiments 
of the brigade, the Second and Tenth, which had preceded the 
Twenty-first in their march from El Poso, had been deflected 
to the left by order of the division commander and were pass- 



212 SAN JUAN 

ing to the front over the trail previously taken by Wikoff's 
brigade, crossing the San Juan at the lower ford. The Tenth 
crossed in advance and formed in close order on the opposite 
side of the stream, its line facing northwest. It was soon 
after, however, put in battle formation and moved to the right 
until it connected with the Twenty-first. The Second Regi- 
ment crossed the ford in the rear of the Tenth, having been 
delayed considerably by the Seventh-first New York Volun- 
teers, who still blocked the way between the forks and the 
lower ford. After crossing the ford the Second put itself in 
line on the left of the Tenth, the whole brigade being now in 
position to support the First and Third Brigades in their 
charge. 

This movement of Colonel Pearson's brigade had not been 
made without hardship and loss. All of the regiments came 
under the enemy's fire before reaching the San Juan River and 
many men were killed or wounded while the regiments were 
gaining their positions. The movement was so well executed 
as to call forth from the division commander the following 
enconium : "I observ'ed this movement from the Fort San 
Juan Hill. Colonel E. P. Pearson, Tenth Infantry, command^ 
ing the Second Brigade, and the officers and troops under his 
command deserve great credit for the soldierly manner in 
which this movement was executed." 

Although we left Wikoff's brigade standing in line on the 
left of the lower ford, we must not imagine that it remained 
in that position until the above movement on the part of the 
Second Brigade had been accomplished. There was no stand- 
ing still in the fierce fire to which the men of that brigade were 
at that time subjected — a fire which had already cut down in 
rapid succession three brigade commanders. The formation 



SAN JUAN 213 

was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. The 
Thirteenth Infantry holding the right of the brigade moved 
to the right and front, while the Ninth and Twenty- 
fourth moved almost directly to the front at first, thus par- 
tially gaining the flank of the enemy's position. The whole 
line moved with great rapidity across the open field and up the 
hill, so that when the Second and Tenth Infantry came to their 
position as support, the heroic Third Brigade was well up the 
heights. To the right of the Third Brigade the First Bri- 
gade, containing the gallant Sixth, under Colonel Egbert, and 
the Sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades ar- 
rived at the fort almost simultaneously; so that the division 
commander in speaking of the capture says : "Credit is al- 
most equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, Sixteenth and 
Twenty-fourth Regiments of Infantry." To the Third Bri- 
gade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right. 

Let us now examine more closely that sweep of the Third 
Brigade from the left of the lower ford to San Juan Hill, in 
order to trace more distinctly the pathway of honor made for 
itself by the Twenty-fourth. This regiment formed left front 
into line under fire and advanced over the flat in good order, 
and then reformed under shelter of the hill preparatory to the 
final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. The experience 
of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the company 
commanders. One company under the orders of its captain 
formed line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at 
rapid gait, reaching the foot of the hill almost exhausted. 
This was alx)ut the experience of all, but this company is men- 
tioned because it was the first company of the regiment to 
reach the top of the hill. In crossing the flat there was neces- 
sarily some mixing of companies and in some instances men 



2 14 SAN JUAN 



were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the 
enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and 
were ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave 
men could go. 

There was but a moment's pause for breath at the foot of 
the hill and the general charge all along the line began, the 
Sixth Infantry probably taking the initiative, although the 
gallant Colonel Egbert, of that regiment (since killed in the 
Philippines), makes no such claim. In his farewell official re- 
port of the Sixth he thus describes the final act : 

"We were now unexpectedly re-enforced. Lieutenant 
Parker, made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a con- 
flict was going on in his front, opened fire with his Catlings 
most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down on 
my left I heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up the 
slope towards us a multitude of skirmishers. As they drew 
nearer we distinguished the tall figure of Ceneral Hawkins, 
with his aide. Lieutenant Ord, Sixth Infantry, charging at 
the head of the skirmishers and waving their hats. When the 
charge came up nearly abreast of where the Sixth stood in 
the road I ordered the companies out through the gaps in the 
wire fence to join it, and they complied with the same alacrity 
and enthusiasm that they had displayed in entering this bloody 
field. The Catlings redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets 
on the Spanish, despite which there still came a savage fire 
from the blockhouse and trenches. Here the gallant Captain 
Wetherell, Sixth Infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at 
the head of his company, and I received a Mauser bullet 
through the left lung, which disabled me. But the blood of 
the troops was now up, and no loss of officers or men could 
stop them. They charged up the incline until, coming to a 



SAN JUAN 215 

steep ridge near the top, they were brought to a stand by the 
hail of bullets from the Catlings against the summit. As 
soon as this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops 
of the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty- fourth swept 
up and over the hill and it was won." 

From testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it 
was concluded that there were more men of the Twenty-fourth 
Infantry on the ridge in this first occupation than of any other 
regiment, but all of the regiments of the division had done 
admirably and the brave blacks of the Twenty-fourth won on 
that day a standing in arms with the bravest of the brave. 

The Spaniards although driven from their first line, by no 
means gave up the fight ; but retreating to a line of intrench- 
ments about eight hundred yards in the rear they opened upon 
the new-comers a fire almost as hot as before, and the troops 
found it difficult to hold what they had gained. The sup- 
porting regiments were coming up and strengthening the line, 
the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under fire as 
rapidly as possible. The Thirteenth Infantry was immediately 
ordered off to the right to assist the cavalry division, espec- 
ially the Rough Riders, who were said to be in danger of hav- 
ing their flank turned. Here it remained under fire all night. 

The advance and charge of the Twenty-fourth made up 
only a part of the advance and charge of the Third Brigade; 
and this in turn was part of the attack and assault made by the 
whole infantry division; a movement also participated in at 
the same hour by the cavalry division ; so that regarded as a 
whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's right 
and centre by two-thirds of the American Army, and its effect 
was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized 
by the foe. The part sustamed in the assault by each regi- 



8 16 SAN JUAN 

nient may be estimated by the losses experienced by each in 
killed and wounded. Judged by this standard the brunt fell 
upon the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth, all 
of which regfiments lost heavily, considering the short time of 
the action. 

The movement by which the Twenty-fourth reached its 
position on that memorable ist of July has called forth es- 
pecial mention by the regimental commander and by the acting 
Assistant Adjutant-General of the brigade; it was also noted 
immediately after the battle by all the newspaper writers as 
one of the striking occurrences of the day. The regiment 
on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left flank, 
and then formed left front into line on its leading company, 
Company G, commanded by Captain Brereton. The first man 
of the regiment to take position in the line was the First Ser- 
geant of G Company, R. G. Woods. This company when 
reaching its position formed on left into line, under a severe 
fire in front and a fire in the rear; the other companies form- 
ing in the same manner, with more or less regularity, to its 
left. As soon as the line was formed the order was given to 
charge. The advance was made across an open meadow, dur- 
ing which several officers were wounded, among- them the 
officers of Company F, the command of that company devolv- 
ing upon its First Sergeant, William Rainey, who conducted 
the company successfully to the crest of the hill. 

The description of the movement of Company D as given 
by Lieutenant Kerwin, who v/as placed in command of that 
company after its officers had been shot, is a very interesting 
document. Lieutenant Kerwin claims to have made his report 
from "close inquiries and from personal observation." Ac- 
cording to this report the company was led across the San 



SAN JUAN 217 

Juan Creek by its Captain (Ducat), the Second Lieutenant of 
the company (Gurney) following it, and keeping the men well 
closed up. While crossing, the company encountered a ter- 
rific fire, and after advancing about ten yards beyond the 
stream went through a wire fence to the right, and advanced to 
an embankment about twenty yards from the right bank of the 
stream. Here Captain Ducat gave the order to adv-ance to 
the attack and the whole company opened out in good order 
in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain 
to the foot of San Juan Hill. In making this movement 
across the plain the line was under fire and the brave Lieuten- 
ant Gurney was killed, and First Sergeant Ellis, Corporal 
Keys and Privates Robinson and Johnson wounded. It was 
a race with death, but the company arrived at the base of the 
hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. After breath- 
ing a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid com- 
mander, Captain Ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they 
gained the summit, being the first company of the regiment to 
reach the top of the hill. Just as they reached the crest the 
brave Ducat fell, shot through the hip, probably by a Spanish 
sharpshooter, thus depriving the company of its last commis- 
sioned officer, and leaving its first sergeant also disabled. 

The commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a 
very modest manner, but in a tone to give the reader confi- 
dence in what he says. He became temporarily separated from 
the regiment, but made his way to the crest of the hill in com- 
pany with the Adjutant and there found a part of his com- 
mand. He says a creditable number of the men of his regi- 
ment reached the top of the hill among the first to arrive there. 
The commander of the Second Battalion, Captain Wygant, 
crossed the meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the bat- 



2l8 SAN JUAN 

taJion, but as the men subsequently charged up the hill, he 
was unable to keep up with them, so rapid was their gait. It 
was from this battalion that Captain Ducat's company broke 
away and charged on the right of the battalion, arriving, as 
has been said, first on the top of the hill. As the regiment 
arrived Captain Wygant, finding himself the ranking officer 
on the ground, assembled it and assigned each company its 
place. Captain Dodge, who commanded Company C in this 
assault, and who subsequently died in the yellow fever hospi- 
tal at Siboney, mentions the fact that Captain Wygant led 
the advance in person, and says that in the charge across the 
open field the three companies, C, B and H, became so inter- 
mixed that it was impossible for the company commanders to 
distinguish their own men from those of the other companies, 
yet he says he had the names of twenty men of his own com- 
pany who reached the trenches at Fort San Juan in that peril- 
ous rush on that fiery mid-day. The testimony of all the offi- 
cers of the regiment is to the effect that the men behaved 
splendidly, and eight of them have been given Certificates of 
Merit for gallantry in the action of July i. 

The losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous, 
the killed, wounded and missing amounted to 96, which num- 
ber was swelled to 104 during the next two days. So many 
men falling in so short a time while advancing in open order 
tells how severe was the fire they were facing and serves to 
modify the opinion which was so often expressed about the 
time the war broke out, to the effect that the Spanish soldiers 
were wanting both in skill and bravery. They contradicted 
this both at El Caney and at San Juan. In the latter con- 
flict they held their ground until the last moment and in- 
flicted a loss upon their assailants equal to the number en- 



SAN JUAN 



219 



gaged in the defence of the heights. Since July i, 1898, ex- 
patiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of the Spanish 
soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation. Too 
many journalists and correspondents were permitted to wit- 
ness the work of Spanish sharpshooters, and to see their ob- 
stinate resistance to the advance of our troops, to allow com- 
ments upon the inefficiency of the Spanish Army to pass un- 
noticed. Our army from the beginning was well impressed 
with the character of the foe and nerved itself accordingly. 
The bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by the 
men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of ap- 
preciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the 
same qualities. 



♦"The intrenchments of San Juan were defended by two companies 
of Spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred and fifty to three 
hundred men. At about 11 o'clock in the morning reinforcements were 
sent to them, bringing the number up to about seven hundred and fifty 
men. There were two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the 
rest of the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from bat- 
teries close to the city."— In Cuba with Shafter (Miley), page 117. 




THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE SURRENDER. AND AFTERWARDS. 

In the Trenches — The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp — Are Negro 
Soldiers Immune? — Camp Wikoff. 

After the battle of El Caney the Twenty-fifth Infantry 
.started for the mango grove, where the blanket rolls anJ 
haversacks had been left in the morning, and on its way passed 
the Second Massachusetts Volunteers standing by the road- 
side. This regiment had seen the charge of the Twenty-fifth 
up the hillside, and they now manifested their appreciation 
of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of applause 
and cheers. This was the foundation for Sergeant Harris' 
reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind 
feelings of this regiment to the Twenty-fifth, I remarked : 
"Those men think you are soldiers." "They know we are sol- 
diers," replied the sergeant. The regiment bivouacked in the 
main road leading from El Caney to Santiago, but sleep was 
out of the question. What with the passing of packtrains and 
artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition, the first 
half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after 12 
o'clock, apprehensions of a Spanish attack put every one on 
the alert. At 3.30 the march to the rear was commenced and 
the entire division passed around by El Poso and advanced to 
the front by the Aguadores road, finally reaching a position on 
Wheeler's right about noon, July 2. 

Subsequently the line of investment was extended to the 
right, the Cuban forces under General Garcia holding the ex- 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 22 1 

treme right connecting with the water front on that side of the 
city. Next to them came Ludlow's McKibben's and Chaffee's 
forces. In McKibben's brigade was the Twenty-fifth, which 
dug its last trench on Cuban soil on July 14th, on the railroad 
running out from Santiago to the northwest. This intrench- 
ment was the nearest to the city made by any American or- 
ganization, and in this the regiment remained until the sur- 
render. 

The Twenty- fourth remained entrenched over to the left, 
in General Kent's division, lying to the right of the 21st. This 
regiment (24th) had won great credit in its advance upon the 
enemy, but it was to win still greater in the field of humanity. 
Capt. Leavel, who commanded Company A, said : "It would be 
hard to particularize in reporting upon the men of the com- 
pany. All — non-commissioned officers, privates, even newly 
joined recruits — showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more 
than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned vet- 
erans. Too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness 
and endurance." Captain Wygant, who commanded the Sec- 
ond Battalion of the regiment, says : "The gallanti-y and bear- 
ing shown by the officers and soldiers of the regiment under 
this trying ordeal was such that it has every reason to be proud 
of its record. The losses of the regiment, which are shown by 
the official records, show the fire they were subjected to. The 
casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which 
is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the 
trees sharpshooters, whose principal business was to pick them 
off." There is no countenance given in official literature to 
the absurd notion maintained by some, that it was 
necessary for the officers of black troops to expose themselves 
unusually in order to lead their troops, and that this fact ac- 



THE SURRENDEK AND AHERWARDS 



counts lor excessive losses among them. The fact is that the 
regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to occupy 
the place in battle assigned him in the tactics, and no matter 
how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward 
until ordered to halt. The penalty of cowardice is something 
to be dreaded above wounds or even death by some natures 
Colored troops are brave men when led by white officers '7 ?) 
As a matter of fact there is very little leading of any sort by 
officers in battle. The officer's place is in the rear of the fir 
ing line, directing, not leading, and it is his right and duty to 
save his own life if possible, and that of every man in his com- 
mand even while seeking to destroy the enemy, in obedience 

'Tki?. u "^''''^ ^^ '^' Twenty-fourth for bravery was 
established beyond question when it swept across that open flat 
and up San Juan Hill on that hot mid-day of July ist, 1898 

After lying in the trenches until July 15th, the news 
reached the camp of the Twenty-fourth that yellow fever 
had broken out in the army, and that a large hospital and 
pest-house had been established at Siboney. About 4 o'clock 
that day an order came to the commanding officer of the 
regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to Sib- 
oney and report to the medical officer there. The regiment 
started on its march at 5.30, numbering at that time 8 com- 
panies, containing 15 officers and 456 men. Marching on in 
the night, gomg through thickets and across streams, the me. 
were heard singing a fine old hymn : 

When through the deep waters I call thee to go 
The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow; ' 

For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, 
And sanctify to thee they deepest distress 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTliRWARDS 



233 



In view of what was before them, the words were very ap- 
propriate. They arrived on the hill at Siboney at 3.30 on the 
morning of July i6th. 

Without discussing the graphic story told by correspond- 
ents of the highest respectability describing the regiment as 
volunteering, to a man, to nurse the sick and dying at Sib- 
oney, we will rather follow the official records of their doings 
m that fever-stricken place. On arriving at Siboney on the 
morning of July 16, Sunday, Major Markely, then in com- 
mand of the regiment, met Colonel Greenleaf of the Medical 
Department, and informed him that the Twenty-fourth In- 
fantry was on the ground. Colonel Greenleaf was just leav- 
ing the post, but Major La Garde, his successor, manifested 
his great pleasure in seeing this form of assistance arrive. 
Such a scene of misery presented itself to Major Markely's 
eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected, and as- 
sured Major La Garde that he was prepared personally to sink 
every other consideration and devote himself to giving what 
assistance he could in caring for the sick, and that he believed 
his whole regiment v/ould feel as he did when they came to 
see the situation. In this he was not mistaken. The officers 
and men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry did give themselves 
up to the care of the sick and dying, furnishing all help in 
their power until their own health and strength gave way, in 
.some instances laying down even their lives in this noble work. 

On the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse 
yellow fever patients and do other work about the hospital. 
More than this number immediately volunteered to enter upon 
a service which they could well believe meant death to some 
of them. The camp was so crowded and filthy that the work 
of cleaning it was begun at once by the men of the Twenty 



2 24 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 

fourth, and day by day they labored as their strength would 
permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for themselves 
and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and re- 
moving tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor. 
Despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions 
as were found at Siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the 
entire Ccimp, and of the i6 officers of the regiment, i had died, 
2 more were expected to die; 3 were dangerously ill, and 5 
more or less so. Out of the whole sixteen there were but three 
really fit for duty, and often out of the whole regiment it 
would be impossible to get 12 men who could go on fatigue 
duty. Out of the 456 men who marched to Siboney only 24 
escaped sickness, and on one day 241 were down. Those who 
would recover remained weak and unfit for labor. Silently, 
without murmuring, did these noble heroes, officers and men, 
stand at their post ministering to the necessities of their fel- 
lovvman until the welcome news came that the regiment would 
be sent north and the hospital closed as soon as possible. On 
August 8 Major La Garde, more entitled to the honor of be- 
ing classed among the heroes of Santiago than some whose op- 
portunities of brilliant display were vastly superior, succumbed 
to the disease. The fact should be borne in mind that all of 
these men, oflicers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this pest- 
house duty after the severe labors of assault of July 1-2, and 
the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches 
before Santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent 
upon these battles and labors — none were strong. 

On July 1 6th, the day after the Twenty- fourth left the 
trenches, the surrender was made and on the next morning the 
final ceremonies of turning over Santiago to the American 
forces took place, and the soldiers were allowed to come out 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 225 

of their ditches and enter into more comfortable camps. The 
hardships of the period after the surrender were not much less 
than those experienced while in the lines. 

On the 26th of August the Twenty-fourth Infantry, having 
obtained an honorable release from its perilous duty, marched 
out of Siboney with band playing and colors flying to go on 
board the transport for Montauk; but of the 456 men who 
marched into Siboney, only 198 were able to march out, di- 
rected by 9 out of the 15 officers that marched in with them. 
Altogether there were 1 1 officers and 289 men who went on 
board the transport, but all except the number first given were 
unable to take their places in the ranks. They went on board 
the steamer Nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no 
doubt great care w^as taken that the transport should arrive 
at its destination in a good condition. Although there was 
sickness on board, there w^ere no deaths on the passage, and 
the Nueces arrived in port "one of the cleanest ships that came 
to that place." The official report states that the Nueces ar- 
rived at Montauk Point September 2, with 385 troops on 
board; 28 sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected. 
Worn out by the hard service the regiment remained a short 
time at Montauk and then returned to its former station. Fort 
Douglass, Utah, leaving its camp at Montauk in such a thor- 
oughly creditable condition as to elicit official remark. 

While the Tw-enty-fourth Infantry had without doubt the 
hardest service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regi- 
ments, the others were not slumbering at ease. Lying in the 
trenches almost constantly for two wrecks, drenched with rains, 
scorched by the burning sun at times, and chilled by cool 
nights, subsisting on food not of the best and poorly cooked, 
cut off from news and kept in suspense, when the surrender 

IS 



2 26 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 

finally came it found our army generally very greatly re- 
duced in vital force. During the period following, from July 
i6tli to about the same date in August the re-action fell with 
all its weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to 
the climatic influences by which they were surrounded.* 
Pernicious malarial fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever 
^vere appearing in all the regiments; and the colored troops 
appeared as susceptible as their white comrades. The theory 
had been advanced that they were less susceptible to malaria! 
fever, and in a certain sense this appears to be true; but the 
experience of our army in Cuba, as well as army statistics pub- 
lished before the Cuban War^, do not bear out the popular view 
of the theory. The best that can be said from the experience 
of Cuba is to the effect that the blacks may be less liable to 
yellow fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of 
malarial fever. These conclusions are, however, by no means 
well established. The Twenty-fourth suffered excessively 
from fevers of both kinds, and in the judgment of the com- 
manding officer of the regiment "effectually showed that col- 
ored soldiers were not more immune from Cuban fever than 
white," but we must remember that the service of the Twenty- 
fourth was exceptional. The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost but 
one man during the whole campaign from climatic disease, 
John A. Lewis, and it is believed that could he have received 
proper medical care his life would have been saved. Yet this 
regiment suffered severely from fever as did also the Ninth 
and Tenth Cavalry. 

Arriving at Montauk* early the author had the opportunity 
to see the whole of the Fifth Army Corps disembark on its 



*"After the surrender, dear Chaplain, the real trouble and difficulties 
hcgan. Such a period, from July 14. 1898 to August 14, 1898, was never 
before known to human beings, I hope. The starving time was nothing 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 227 

return from Cuba, and was so impressed with its forlorn ap-. 
pearance that he then wrote of it as coming home on stretch- 
ers. Pale, emaciated, weak and hahing, they came, with 3,252 
sick, and reporting 87 deaths on the voyage. But. as General 
Wheeler said in his report, "the great bulk of the troops thai 
were at Santiago were by no means well." Never before had 
the people seen an army of stalwart men so suddenly trans- 
formed into an army of invalids. And yet while all the regi- 
ments arriving showed the effects of the hardships they had 
endured, the black regulars, excepting the Twenty- fourth In- 
fantry, appeared to have slightly the advantage. The arrival 
of the Tenth Cavalry in "good condition'' was an early cheer- 
ing item in the stream of suffering and debility landing from 
the transports. Seeing all of the troops land and remaining 
at Camp Wikoff until its days were nearly numbered, thL' 
writer feels sure that the colored troops arrived from the 
front in as good condition as the best, and that they re- 
cuperated with marked comparative rapidity. 

The chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, while en route 
to join his regiment at Montauk, thinking seriously over the 
condition of the men returning from such a hard experience, 
concluded that nothing would be more grateful to them than a 
reasonable supply of ripe fruit, fresh from the orchards and 



to the fever time, where scores died per day. We were not permitted to 
"Starve- but had fever, and had it bad; semi-decayed beef, both from re- 
fricrerators and from cans. We had plenty of fever, but no clothmg 
undl very late; no medicine save a little quinme which was forced into 
you all the time, intermittent only with bad meat."— E.xtract from a 

soldier's letter. . ^, • , d 1 t 

While the Twenty-fifth Infantry was m camp at Chickamauga i'ark 1 
was ordered to Xenia, Ohio, on recruiting duty, and on July 5. on seemg 
the^eports of the wounded I asked officially to be ordered to my regiment. 
An order to that effect came about a month later, directing me to join my 
reeiment by way of Tampa, Florida. Arriving in Tampa, my destmation 
was changed by telegraph to Montauk Point, N. Y., whither I arrived a 
few days before the regiment did. 



2 28 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 

fields. He therefore sent a dispatch to the Daily Evening 
News, published in Bridgeton, N. J., asking the citizens of 
that community to contribute a carload of melons and fruits 
for the men of the Twenty-fifth, or for the whole camp, if they 
so wished. Subsequently mentioning the fact to the com- 
manding officer of the regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, 
he heartily commended the idea, believing that the fruit would 
be very beneficial. The good people of Bridgeton took hold of 
the matter heartily, and in a short time forwarded to the regi- 
ment more than four hundred of Jersey's finest watermelons, 
fresh from the vines. These were distributed judiciously and 
the health of the men began to improve forthwith. Soon 
five hundred more arrived, sent by a patriotic citizen of Phila- 
delphia. These were also distributed. Ladies of Brooklyn 
forwarded peaches and vegetables, and supplies of all sorts 
now were coming in abundance. Our men improved so 
rapidly as to be the occasion of remark by correspondents of 
the press. They were spoken of as being apparently in good 
condition. While engaged in the work of supplying their 
physicial wants the chaplain was taken to task by a correspond- 
dent of Leslie's for being too much concerned in getting a car- 
load of watermelons for his regiment, to go over to a grave- 
yard and pray over the dead. The next day the chaplain made 
haste to go over to that particular graveyard to relieve the 
country from the crying shame that the correspondent had 
pointed out, only to find two men already there armed with 
prayer-books and one of them especially so fearful that he would 
not get a chance to read a prayer over a dead soldier, that the 
chaplain found it necessary to assure him that the opportunity 
to pray should not be taken from him ; and thus another popu- 
lar horror was found to be without reality. 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 229 

The colored ladies of Brooklyn organized a Soldiers' Aid 
Society, and besides contributing in a general way, as already 
mentioned, also made and presented to the soldiers about four 
hundred home-made pies, which were most highly appreciated. 
They also prepared a tasty souvenir commemorative of the 
heroic work performed by the troops in Cuba, and expressive 
of high appreciation of the gallantry of the colored regiments. 
A beautiful stand of colors was also procured for the Twenty- 
fourth Infantry, which were subsequently presented to the 
regiment with appropriate ceremonies. 

At the camp were three colored chaplains and one colored 
surgeon, serving with the Regular Army, and their presence 
was of great value in the way of accustoming the people at 
large to beholding colored men as commissioned officers. To 
none were more attention shown than to these colored men. 
and there was apparently no desire to infringe upon their 
rights. Occasionally a very petty social movement might be 
made by an insignificant, with a view of humiliating a Negro 
chaplain, but such efforts usually died without harm to those 
aimed at and apparently without special comfort to those who 
engineered them. 

The following paragraphs, written while in camp at the 
time indicated in them, may serve a good purpose bv their in- 
sertion here, showing as they do the reflections of the writer 
as well as in outlining the more important facts associated 
with that remarkable encampment : 



CAMP WIKOFF AND ITS LESSONS. 
Now that the days of this camp are drawing to a close it is 
profitable to recall its unique history and gather up some of 
the lessons it has taught us. Despite all the sensationalism, 



230 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 

investigations, testings, experimentation, and general condem- 
nation, the camp at Montaiik accomplished what was intended, 
and was itself a humane and patriotic establishment. It is not 
for me to say whether a better site might not have been se- 
lected, or whether the camp might not have been better man- 
aged. I will take it for granted that improvement might have 
been made in both respects, but our concern is rather with 
what was, than with what "might have been." 

To appreciate Camp Wikoff we must consider two things 
specially; first, its purpose, and secondly, the short time al- 
lowed to prepare it; and then go over the whole subject and 
properly estimate its extent and the amount of labor involved. 

The intention of the camp was to afford a place where our 
troops, returning from Cuba, prostrated w4th climatic fever, 
and probably infected with yellow fever, might receive proper 
medical treatment and care, until the diseases were subdued. 
The site was selected with this in view, and the conditions 
were admirably suited to such a purpose. Completely iso- 
lated, on dry soil, with dry pure air, cool climate, away from 
mosquitoes, the camp seemed all that was desired for a great 
field hospital. 

Here the sick could come and receive the best that nature 
had to bestow in the way of respite from the heat, and pure 
ocean breezes, and, taken altogether, the experiences of Aug- 
ust and a good part of September, have justified the selection 
of Montauk. While prostrations were occurring elsewhere, 
the camp was cool and delightful most of the time. 

As to the preparations, it must be remembered that the re- 
call of the whole x\rmy of Invasion from Cuba was made in 
response to a popular demand, and as a measure of humanity. 
Bring the army home! was the call, and. Bring it at once! 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 23 1 

Such urgency naturally leaps ahead of minor preparations. 
The soldiers wanted to come; the people wanted them to come; 
hence the crowding of transports and the lack of comforts on 
the voyages ; hence the lack of hospital accommodations when 
the troops began to arrive. Haste almost always brings about 
such things; but sometimes haste is imperative. This was the 
case in getting the army out of Cuba and into Camp at Mon- 
tauk in August, '98. Haste was pushed to that point when 
omissions had to occur, and inconvenience and sufifering re- 
sulted. 

We must also remember the condition of the men who came 
to Montauk. About 4,000 were reported as sick before they 
left Cuba; but, roughly speaking, there were 10,000 sick men 
landing in Montauk. Those who were classed as well were, 
with rare exceptions, both mentally and physically incapable of 
high effort. It was an invalid army, with nearly one-half of 
its number seriously sick and suffering. 

Ten thousand sick soldiers were never on our hands before, 
and the mighty problem was not realized until the transport.-^ 
began to emit their streams of weakness and walking death at 
Montauk. The preparation was altogether inadequate for 
such a mass of misery, and for a time all appeared confusion. 

Then came severe, cruel, merciless criticisms; deserved m 
some cases no doubt, but certainly not everywhere. The 
faults, gaps, failures, were everywhere to be seen, and it was 
easy to see and to say what ought to have been done. But 
the situation at Camp Wikoff from August 15th to Sep. 15th 
needed more than censure; it needed help. The men who were 
working for the Government in both the medical and commi- 
sary departments needed assistance; the former in the way of 
nurses, and the latter in the way of appropriate food. The 



232 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 

censure and exposure indulged in by the press may have con- 
tributed to direct the attention of the benevolently disposed to 
the conditions in the camp. 

Then came the era of ample help; from Massachusetts; 
from New York, in a word, from all over the country. The 
Merchants' Relief Association poured in its thousands of dol- 
lars worth of supplies, bringing them to the camp and dis- 
tributing them generously and wisely. The Women's Patri- 
otic Relief, the Women's War Relief, the International 
Brotherhood League, and the powerful Red Cross Society, all 
poured in food and comforts for the sick thousands. Besides 
these great organizations there were also the spontaneous of- 
ferings of the people, many of them generously distributed by 
the Brooklyn Daily Eagle's active representatives. The tent 
of that journal was an excellent way-mark and a veritable 
house of the good shepherd for many a lost wanderer, as well 
as a place of comfort, cheer and rest. The work done was 
very valuable and highly appreciated. 

To the medical department came the trained hand of the fe- 
male nurse. No one who saw these calm-faced, white-hooded 
sisters, or the cheery cheeked, white capped nurses from the 
schools, could fail to see that they were in the right place. 
The sick soldier's lot was brightened greatly when the gentle 
female nurse came to his cot. Woman can never be robbed 
of her right to nurse. This is one of the lessons taught by 
the Hispano-American War. 

This vast army has been handled. No yellow fever has 
been spread. The general health has been restored. The dis- 
abled are mostly housed in hospitals, and many of them are on 
the road to recovery. Some have died ; some are on furlough, 
and many have gone to their homes. 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 233 

The regulars are repairing to their stations quite invigor- 
ated, and greatly helped in many ways by the kind treatment 
they have received. Camp Wikoff was not a failure; but a 
great and successful object lesson, as well as a great summer 
school in nationalism. Here black, white and Indian soldiers 
fraternized; here Northerners and Southerners served under 
the same orders. Ten thousand soldiers and as many civilians 
daily attended the best school of its kind ever held in this coun- 
try, striving to take home to their hearts the lessons that God 
IS teaching the nations. 

The Rev. Sylvester Malone thus sums up the message of the 
war to us in his letter to the committee to welcome Brooklyn's 
soldiers : 

'"This short war has done so much for America at home and 
abroad that we must take every soldier to our warmest affec- 
tion and send him back to peaceful pursuits on the conviction 
that there is nothing higher in our American life than to have 
the privilege to cheer and gladden the marine and the soldier 
that have left to America her brightest and best page of a great 
history. This past war must kindle in our souls a love of all 
the brethren, black as well as white, Catholic as well as Protest- 
ant, having but one language, one nationality, and it is to be 
hoped, yet one religion." 

These are true words, as full of patriotism as they are of 
fraternity, and these are the two special lessons taught at 
Montauk — a broad, earnest, practical fraternity, and a love of 
country before which the petty prejudices of race and section 
were compelled to yield ground. 

THE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION IN 
CAMP WIKOFF. 
The Young Men's Christian Association has done an excel- 
lent work in Camp Wikoff. Their tents have al!"orded facili- 
ties for profitable amusements, in the way of quiet games, 



234 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 

thus bringing out the use of these games distinct from their 
abuse — gambling. 

Their reading tables have also been well supplied with pap- 
ers and magazines, religious and secular, generally very ac- 
ceptable to the soldiers, as attested by the numbers that read 
them. But perhaps best of all, has been the provision made 
for the soldiers to write. Tables, pens, ink, paper and en- 
velopes have been supplied in abundance. These were of great 
advantage to soldiers living in tents, and the work of the As- 
sociation in this respect cannot be too highly commended. 

The specially religious work of the Association as I have 
seen it, consists of three divisions : First, the meetings in 
their tents, held nightly and on Sundays. These have been 
vigorously carried on and well attended, the chaplains of the 
camp often rendering assistance. Secondly, I have noticed the 
Y. M. C. A. men visiting the sick in the hospitals and camps, 
giving the word of exhortation and help to the sick. Perhaps, 
however, in their work of private conversation with the well 
men, they have done as much real service for God as in either 
of the other two fields. They have made the acquaintance of 
many men and have won the respect of the camp. This I have 
numbered as the third division of their work — personal con- 
tact with the soldiers of the camp, at the same time keeping 
themselves "unspotted from the world." 



The 24th Infantry was ordered down to Siboney to do guard 
duty. When the regiment- reached the yellow-fever hospital it 
was found to be in a deplorable condition. Men were dying 
there every hour for the lack of proper nursing. Major Mark- 
ley, who had commanded the regiment since July ist, when 
Colonel Liscum was wovmded, drew his regiment up in line, 
and Dr. La Garde, in charge of the hospital, explained the needs 



THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 435 

of the suffering, at the same time clearly setting forth the clan 
ger to men who were not immune, of nursing and attending 
yellow-fever patients. Major Markley then said that any man 
who wished to volunteer to nurse in' the yellow-fever hospital 
could step forward. The whole regiment -.stepped forward. 
Sixty men were selected from the volunteers to nurse, and within 
forty-eight hours forty-two of these brave fellows were down 
seriously ill with yellow or pernicious malarial fever. Again the 
regiment was drawn up in line, and again Major Markley said 
that nurses were needed, and that any man who wished to do 
so could volunteer. After the object lesson which the men 
had received in the last few days of the danger from contagion 
to which they would be exposed, it was now unnecessary for 
Dr. La Garde to again warn the brave blacks of the terrible 
contagion. When the request for volunteers to replace those 
who had already fallen in the performance of their dangerous 
and perfectly optional duty was made again, the regiment 
stepped forward as one man. When sent down from the 
trenches the regiment consisted of eight companies, averaging 
about forty men each. Of the officers and men who remained 
on duty the forty days spent in Siboney, only twenty-four es- 
caped without serious illness, and of this handful not a few 
succumbed to fevers on the vovage home and after their arrival 
at Montauk. 

As a result, thirty-six died and about forty were discharged 
from the regiment owing to disabilities resulting from sickness 
which began in the yellow-fever hospital. — Bonsai's Fight for 
Santiago. 



236 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 



CHAPTER X. 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS. 

Gallantry of the Black Regulars— Diary of Sergeant-Major E. L. Baker, 
Tenth Cavalry. 

It is time now to sum up the work of the four regiments 
whose careers we have thus far followed, and to examine the 
grounds upon which the golden opinions they won in battle 
and siege are based. We have seen that in the first fight, that 
of Las Guasimas, on June 24th, the Tenth Cavalry, especially 
Troops I and B, both with their small arms and with the 
machine guns belonging to Troop B, did most effective work 
against the Spanish right, joining with the First Cavalry in 
ov<"rcoming that force which was rapidly destroying Roose- 
velt's Rough Riders. Nor should it be forgotten that in this 
first fight, Troop B, which did its full share, w^as commanded 
on the firing line by Sergeants John Buck and James Thomp- 
son. In the squad commanded by Sergeant Thompson sev- 
eral men of the First Regular Cavalry fought and it is claimed 
were highly pleased with him as squad commander. 

While this was the firrst fight of the men of the Tenth Cav- 
alry with the Spaniards, it was by no means their first experi- 
ence under fire. From the time of the organization of the regi- 
ment in 1866 up to within a year of the war, the men had been 
engaged frequently in conflicts with Indians and marauders, 
often having men killed and wounded in their ranks. The 
fights were participated in by small numbers, and the casual- 
ties were not numerous, but there were opportunities for the 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 237 

acquirement of skill and the display of gallantry. Altogether 
the men of the regiment during their experience on the plains 
engaged in sixty-two battles and skirmishes. This training 
had transformed the older men of the regiment into veterans 
and enabled them to be cool and efficient in their first fight in 
Cuba. 

Sergeant Buck, upon whom the command of Troop B chiefly 
fell after becoming separated from his Lieutenant in the bat- 
tle at Guasimas, joined the regiment in 1880, and had already 
passed through eighteen years of the kind of service above 
described. He was at the time of the Cuban War in the prime 
of life, a magnificent horseman, an experienced scout, and a 
skilled packer. In 1880, when he joined the regiment, the 
troops were almost constantly in motion, marching that one 
year nearly seventy-seven thousand miles, his own troop cov- 
ering twelve hundred and forty-two miles in one month. This 
troop with four others made a ride of sixty-five miles in less 
than twenty-one hours, arriving at their destination without 
the loss of a single horse. In 1893 ^e was mentioned by the 
commanding officer of Fort Missoula, Montana, for highly 
meritorious service, skill and energy displayed while in charge 
of pack train of an expedition across the Bitter Root Moun- 
tains, Idaho, during the most inclement weather, in quest of a 
party of gentlemen lost. (Letter of commanding officer, Fort 
Missoula, Montana, February 12, 1894.) Sergeant Buck has 
also won the silver medal for revolver shooting. 

Sergeant James Thompson joined the regiment in 1888, and 
has passed the ten years in the one troop, and proved himself 
at Las Guasimas a soldier worthy his regiment. 

The first battle gave the Tenth a reputation in a new field, 
corresponding to that which it had gained in the West, and 



23^ REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

this was not allowed to fade during its stay in Cuba. The 
fame of this first action spread rapidly through the army and 
inspired the other regiments of colored men with a desire to 
distinguish themselves on this new field of honor, and their 
readiness to be to the front and to take prominent part in all 
service was so marked that opportunity could not be withheld 
from them. As the army advanced toward Santiago these 
regiments became more and more the mark of observation by 
foreign military men who were present, and by the great 
throng of correspondents who were the eyes for the people of 
the civilized world. And hence, when the lines of assault were 
finally determined and the infantry and cavalry of our army 
deployed for its perilous attack upon the Spanish fortifications 
the black regiments were in their places, conspicuous by their 
vigor and enthusiasm. In them were enlisted men whose time 
of service had expired a few days before, but who had prompt- 
ly re-enlisted. In at least two cases were men who served 
their full thirty years and could have retired with honor at the 
breaking out of the war. They preferred to share the for- 
tunes of their comrades in arms, and it is a comfort to be able 
to record that the two spoken of came home from the fight 
without a wound and with health unimpaired. How many 
others there were in the same case in the army is not reported, 
but the supposition is that there were several such in both the 
white and colored regiments. 

Recalling the scenes of that memorable first of July, 1898, 
we can see the Twenty-fifth Infantry advancing steadily on the 
stone fort at El Caney at one time entirely alone, meeting the 
fire of the fort even up to their last rush forward. Captain 
Loughborough, who commanded Company B, of that regi- 
ment, and although his company was in the reserve, was never- 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 239 

theless under fire, says : "The hardest fighting of the Twenty- 
fifth was betw-een two and four o'clock," at which time all the 
other troops of the attacking- force, except Bates' brigade, 
were under cover and remaining stationary, the Twenty-fifth 
being the only organization that was advancing. The official 
reports give the positions of General Chaffee's brigade dur- 
ing the two hours between two o'clock and four of that after- 
noon as follows : 

The Seventh was under partial cover and remained in its 
position "until about 4.30 p. m." The Seventeenth remained 
with its left joined to the right of the Seventh "until the bat- 
tle was over." The Twelfth Infantry was in its shelter within 
350 yards of the fort "until about 4 p. m." Ludlow's brigade 
was engaged with the town, hence only Miles' brigade, consist- 
ing of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry, was advancing 
upon the fort. The Fourth Infantry was soon checked in its 
advance, as General Daggett especially notes in his report, and 
the Twenty-fifth was thus thrust forward alone, excepting 
Bates' brigade, which was making its way up the right. 

This conspicuous advance of the Twenty-fifth brouglu thac 
reo-iment into the view of the world, and established for it a 
brilliant reputation for skill and courage. Arriving in the very 
jaws of the fort the sharpshooters and marksmen of that regi- 
ment poured such a deadly fire into the loopholes of the fort 
that they actually silenced it with their rifles. These men with 
the sterness of iron and the skill acquired by long and careful 
training, impressed their characteristics on the minds of all 
their beholders. Of the four hundred men who went on the 
field that morning very few were recruits, and many had 
passed over ten years in the service. When they "took the bat- 
tle formation and advanced to the stone fort more like veterans 



24© REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

than troops who had never been under fire," as their com- 
mander reports, they gave to the world a striking exhibition 
of the effect of miHtary training. In each breast a spirit of 
bravery had been developed and their skill in the use of their 
arms did not for a moment forsake them. They advanced 
against volleys from the fort and rifle pits in front, and a gall- 
ing fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on 
their left. Before a less severe fire than this, on that very day, 
a regiment of white volunteers had succumbed and was lying 
utterly demoralized by the roadside; before this same fire the 
Second Massachusetts Volunteers were forced to retire — in 
the face of it the Twenty-fifth advanced steadily to its goal. 

Lieutenant Moss, who commanded Company H on the firing 
line on that day, has published an account in which he says : 
"The town was protected on the north by three blockhouses 
and the church; on the west by three blockhouses (and par- 
tially by the church) ; on the east by the stone fort, one block- 
house, the church, and three rifle pits ; on the south and south- 
east by the stone fort, three blockhouses, one loop-holed house, 
the church and eight rifle pits. However, the Second Brigade 
was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus be- 
ing exposed to fire from fourteen sources, nearly all of which 
were in different planes, forming so many tiers of fire. The 
cover on the south and southeast of the town was no better 
than, if as good, as that on the other sides." 

The cavalry regiments were no less conspicuous in their gal- 
lantry at San Juan than was the Twenty-fifth Infantry at El 
Caney. The brilliancy of that remarkable resfiment, the 
Rough Riders, commanded on July ist by Colonel Roosevelt, 
was so dazzling that it drew attention away from the ordin- 
ary regulars, yet the five regiments of regular cavalry did 



REVIEW AKD REFLECTIONS 84! 

their duty as thoroughly on that day as did the regiment of 
vokinteers.* In this body of cavalry troops, where courage 
was elevated to a degree infringing upon the romantic, the 
two black regiments took their places, and were fit to be as- 
sociated in valor with that highly representative regiment. 
The Inspector-General turns aside from mere routine in his re- 
port long enough to say "the courage and conduct of the col- 
ored troops and First United States Voluliteers seemed al- 
ways up to the best." That these black troopers held no sec- 
ond place in valor is proven by their deeds, and from the tes- 
timony of all who observed their conduct, and that they with 
the other regulars w'ere decidedly superior in skill was recog- 
nized by the volunteer Colonel himself. The Ninth Cavalry, 
although suffering considerably in that advance on East Hill, 
involved as it was, more or less, with Roosevelt's regiment, 
did not receive so large a share of public notice as its sister 
regiment. The strength of the Ninth was but little over one- 
half that of the Tenth, and its movements were so involved 
with those of the volunteers as to be somewhat obscured by 
them; the loss also of its commander just as the first posi- 
tion of the enemy fell into our hands, w^as a great misfortune 
to the regiment. The Ninth, however, was with the first th;.t 
mounted the heights, and w^hatever praise is to be bestowed 
upon the Rough Riders in that assault is to be distributed in 
equal degree to the men of that regiment. Being in the lead- 
ing brigade of the division this regiment had been firing 



*"Thc Ninth and Tenth Cavalry regiments fought one on cither side of 
mine at Santiago, and I wish no better men beside me in battle than 
these colored troops showed themselves to be. Later on, when I come 
to write of the campaign, I shall have much to say about them."— - 
T. Roosevelt. 

16 



342 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

steadily upon the Spanish \vorks 1)ef()re the charg-e was or- 
dered, and when the movement l)egan the men of the Nintii 
advanced so rapidly that they were among the first to reach 
the crest. 

The Tenth Regiment, with its Hotchkiss guns, and it'; 
trained men. took its place in the line that morning to add if 
possible further lustre to the distinction already won. In 
crossing the tlat. m climbing the heights, and in holding- the 
ridge these bra\'e men did all that could l)e expected of them. 
Roosevelt said : "The colored troops did as well as any soldiers 
could possibly do," meaning the colored men of the Ninth and 
Tenth Cavalry. To their officers he bestows a meed of praise 
well deser\'ed, l)ut not on the peculiar ground which he brings 
forward. He would have the reader believe that it has re- 
quired special ability and effort to bring these colored men up 
to the condition of good soldiers and to induce them to do so 
well in battle; while the testimony of the officers themselves 
and the experience of more than a quarter of a century with 
colored professional troops give no countenance to any such 
theory. The voice of experience is that the colored man i^ 
specially apt as a soldier, and General Merritt declares him al- 
ways brave in battle. The officers commanding colored troops 
at Santiago honored themselves in their reports of the battles 
by giving full credit to the men in the ranks, who by their 
resolute advance and their cool and accurate firing dislodged 
an intrenched foe and planted the flag of our Union where 
had floated the ensign of Spain. 

That rushing line of dismounted cavalry, so ably directed by 
Sumner, did not get to its goal without loss. As it swept 
across the open to reach the heights, it faced a well-directed 
fire from the Spanish works, and men dropped from the ranks, 



REVIEW AND REFLECT) ..N> :^- 

wounded and dyin^. Of the otticers directing that advance 35 
fell either killed or wounded and ^2S men. These numbers 
appear small when hastily scanned or when brought into com 
parison with the losses in battle during the Civil War, but if 
we take time to imagine 35 officers lying on the ground either 
killed or wounded and 7,2s men in the same condition, tiie car- 
nage will not appear insignificant. Woe enough followed even 
that one short conflict. It must be observed also that th^ 
whole strength of this division was less than jCXX) men. sc> that 
about one out of ever\- eight had been struck by shot or shell. 

Several enlisted men among the colored cavalry* displayed 
high soldierly qualities in this assault, evidencing a willingnes- 
to assume the responsibility of command and the ability to 
lead. Color-Sergeant George Berr\- became conspicuous at 
once by his brilliant achievement of carrxing the colors of two 
regiments, those of his own and of the Third Cavaln.-. The 
Color- Sergeant of the latter regiment had fallen and Berr>- 
seized the colors and bore them up the hill with his own. The 
illustrated press gave some attention to this exploit at the time- 
but no proper recognition of it has as yet been made. Ser- 
geant Berrv's character as a soldier had been formed long be- 
fore this event, and his reputation for daring was already well 
established. He entered the service in 1867 and when he car- 
ried that flag up San Juan was filling out his thirty-first year 
in the service. All this time he had passed in the cavalr>- and 
had engaged in many conflicts with hostile Indians and ruffians 
on our frontiers. 

Perhaps the most ini^. /:.-.i parts taken by any enlisted men 
in the cavalr}- di\-ision were those taken by Sergeants Foster 
and Givens. The former was First Sergeant of Troop G and 
as the troop was maknng its way to the " ': means the 



244 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

Spaniards were able not only to discover them but also the 
direction in which they were moving and to determine their 
exact range. Sergeant Foster ventured to tell the Lieutenant 
in charge that the course of advance should be changed as they 
were marching directly into the enemy's guns. 

"Silence," shouted the Lieutenant. "Come on, men ; follow 
me." "All right, sir," said the Sergeant; "we'll go as far as 
you will." The next instant the Lieutenant was shot through 
the head, leaving Sergeant Foster in command. Immediately 
the troop was deployed out of the dangerous range and the 
Sergeant by the exercise of good judgment brought his men 
to the crest of the hill without losing one from his ranks. At 
the time of this action Sergeant Foster was a man who would 
readily command attention. Born in Texas and a soldier al- 
most continuously since 1875, part of which time had been 
passed in an infantry regiment, he had acquired valuable ex- 
perience. In 1888, while serving in the cavalry, he had been 
complimented in General Orders for skill in trailing raiding 
parties in Arizona. He was a resolute and stalwart soldier, an 
excellent horseman and possessed of superior judgment, and 
with a reputation for valor which none who knew him would 
question. The return of Troop G, Tenth Cavalry, for July. 
1898, contains the following note: "Lieutenant Roberts \vd.s 
wounded early in the engagement ; Lieutenant Smith was 
killed about 10.30 a. m. while gallantly leading the troop in 
the advance line. After Lieutenant Smith fell the command 
of the troop devolved upon First Sergeant Saint Foster, who 
displayed remarkable intelligence and ability in handling the 
troop during the remainder of the day. Sergeant Foster's 
conduct was such as cannot be excelled for valor during the 
operations around Santiago. He commanded the troop up the 
hills of San luan." 



REVIEW ANO REFLECTIONS 245 

Sergeant William H. Givens. of Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, 
also commanded in the action against San Juan. His Captain, 
who was wounded three times in the fight, being finally dis- 
abled before reaching the hill, makes the following report : 
"Sergeant William H. Givens was with the platoon which I 
commanded; whenever I observed him he was at his post ex- 
ercising a steadying or encouraging influence on the men, and 
conducting himself like the thorough soldier that I have long 
known him to be. I understand to my great satisfaction that 
he has been rewarded by an appointment to a lieutenancy in an 
immune regiment.'' 

The Descriptive list of Sergeant Givens, made on August 
4th, ^898, contains these remarks: 

"Commanded his troop with excellent judgment after his 
captain fell at the battle of San Juan, July i, 1898, lead- 
ing it up the hill to the attack of the blockhouse. 

"Character: A most excellent soldier."* 

Sergeant Givens may also be called an "old-timer." He 
had enlisted in '69, and had passed all that time in hard fron- 
tier service. The troop in which he enlisted during the years 



*The major commanding the squadron in which Sergeant Givens' troops 
"served, writes to the sergeant the following letter : _ , _ 

Sergeant William H. Givens, Troop D, loth Cavalry, Fort Clark Texas. 

Sergeant :— When making my report as commander of the isecond 
Squadron, loth U. S. Cavalry, for action of July i, 1898, at San Juan Hills. 
I did not mention any enlisted men by name, as I was absent from the 
regiment at the time of making the report and without access to records, 
.o that I could not positively identify and name certain men who were con- 
spicuous during the fight; but I recollect finding a detachment of Troop D 
under your command on the firing line during the afternoon ot July ist. 
Your service and that of your men at that time was most creditable, and 
you deserve special credit for having brought your detachment promptly 
to the firing line when left without a commissioned officer. 

THEO. J. WINT. 
Lieutenant-Colonel, 6th U. S. Cavalry. 
Second Lieutenant, JOth Cavalry. 

True copy : 



246 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

1876-78 was almost constantly engaged with hostile Indians 
along the Mexican border, and Sergeant Givens was called 
upon to take part in numerous scouts in which there were 
many striking adventures. He was also in that memorable 
campaign against Victoria, conducted by General Grierson. 
Sergeant Givens was an ideal soldier and ^vorthy the com- 
mendations bestowed upon him by his troop commander and 
others. Captain Bigelow received his disabling wound about 
seventy-hve yards from the blockhouse and was taken to the 
rear under heavy fire by two soldiers of the troop l)y the name 
of Henderson and Boardman. 

Lieutenant Kennington. reporting the work of the troop on 
that morning says that Corporal J. Walker was probably the 
first soldier to reach the top of the hill and is believed to have 
shot the Spaniard who killed Lieutenant Ord. The report 
containing the above statement is dated July 5, 1898. Since 
that time the matter has been fully investigated by Captain 
Bigelow and the fact ascertained that Corporal Walker did 
arrive first on the hill and did shoot the Spaniard referred to 
and he has been reconmiended for a Aledal of Honor in conse- 
f(uence. 

The Sergeant-Major of the Tenth Cavalry, ]\Ir. E. L. Baker, 
who served with great credit during the Santiago campaign, 
is a soldier with an excellent record. He was born of French 
and American parentage in Wyoming and enlisted in the 
Ninth Cavalry as trumpeter in 1882, serving five years in that 
regiment. He then enlisted in the Tenth Cavalry, and in 1892 
became Sergeant-Major. Being desirous of perfecting himself 
in the cavalry service he applied for an extended furlough 
with permission to leave the country, intending to enter a cav- 
alrv school in France. In this desire he was heartilv en- 



REVIKW AND KEKI.ECllONS 247 

dorsed by the officers of his regiment, and was specially com- 
mended by General Miles, who knew him as a s^oldier and who 
highh- appreciated him as such. The breaking out of the 
Spanish war soon after he had made application prevented a 
full consideration of his case. In 1897 Sergeant-Major Baker 
published a specially valuable "Roster of the Non-Commis- 
sioned Officers of the Tenth U. S. Cavalry, with Some Regi- 
mental Reminiscences, etc.." which has been of marked ser- 
vice in the preparation of the sketches of the enlisted men of 
his regiment. He contributes the interesting sketch of his ex- 
periences in Cuba with his regiment, which follows this chap- 
ter, and which will prove to many perhaps the most interesting 
portion of my book. 

The Twenty-fourth Infantry advanced in that line of attack 
on the extreme left and reached the crest of the San Juan Hills 
in such numbers as to lead the press correspondents and other^ 
to conclude that there were more men of this regiment prompt- 
ly on the ground than of any other one regiment. It is certam 
they made a record for heroism in that assault as bright as any 
won on the field that day : and this record they raised to a mag- 
nificent climax by their subsequent work in the fever hospital 
at Siboney. For their distinguished service both in the field 
and in the hospital, the colored ladies of Xew York honored^ 
themselves in presenting the regiment the beautiful stand of 
colors already mentioned. As these fever-worn veterans ar- 
rived at Montauk they presented a spectacle well fitted to move 
strong men to tear.-. In solemn silence they marched from 
on board the transport Nueces, which had br^.ught them from 
Cuba, and noiselessly they dragged their weary forms over 
the sandy roads and up the hill to the distant "detention 
camp." Twenty-eight of their number were reported sick, but 
the whole regiment was in ill-health. 



248 REVIEW AND REILECTIONS 

These were the men who had risked their lives and wrecked 
their heaUh in service for others. Forty days they had stood 
face to face with death. In their soiled, worn and faded 
clothing, with arms uncleaned, emaciated, and with scarce 
strength enough to make the march before them, as they 
moved on that hot 2nd of September from the transport to the 
camp, they appeared more like a funeral procession than heroes 
returning from the war; and to the credit of our common 
humanity it may be recorded that they w^ere greeted, not with 
plaudits and cheers, but with expressions of real sympathy. 
Many handkerchiefs were brought into view, not to w-ave joy- 
ous welcome, but to wipe away the tears that came from over- 
flowing hearts. At no time did human nature at Montauk ap- 
pear to better advantage than in its silent, sympathetic recep- 
tion of the Twenty-fourth In'fantr3\ 

Of these shattered heroes Greneral Miles had but recently 
spoken in w'ords well worthy his lofty position and noble man- 
hood as "a regiment of colored troops, who, having shared 
equally in the heroism, as well as the sacrifices, is now volun- 
tarily engaged in nursing yellow feyer patients and burying 
the dead." These men came up to Montauk from great tribu- 
lations which should have washed their robes to a resplendent 
whiteness in the eyes of the whole people. Great Twenty- 
fourth, we thank thee for the glory thou hast given to Ameri- 
can soldiery, and to the character of the American Negro ! 

Thus these four colored regiments took their place on the 
march, in camp, in assault and in siege with the flower of the 
American Army, the choice and pick of the American nation, 
and came off acknowledged as having shared equally in hero- 
ism and sacrifices w-ith the other regular regiments so engaged, 
and deserving of special mention for the exhibition of regard 



REVIKW AND KEKLECTIONS 249 



for the welfare of their fellow man. The query is now per- 
tinent as to the return which has been made to these brave- 
men. The question of Ahasuerus when told of the valuable 
services of the Jew, Mordecai, is the question which the better 
nature of the whole American people should ask on hearinc: 
the general report of the valuable services of the Negro 
Regular in the Spanish War. When Ahasuerus asked : "What 
honor and dignity hath been done to Mordecai for this?" his 
servants that ministered unto him were compelled to answer : 
"There is nothing done for him." Looking over these four 
regiments at the time of this writing an answer somewhat 
similar in force must be returned. That the colored soldier is 
entitled to honor and dignity must be admitted by all who ad- 
mire brave deeds, or regard the welfare of the state. The col- 
ored soldier, however, was compelled to stand by and see a 
hundred lieutenancies filled in the Regular Army, many in his 
own regiments, only to find himself overlooked and to be 
forced to feel that his services however valuable, could not out- 
weigh the demerit of his complexion. 

The sum total of permanent advantage secured to the col- 
ored regular as such, in that bloody ordeal where brave men 
gave up their lives for their country's honor, consists of a few 
certificates of merit entitling the holders to two dollars per 
month additional pay as long as they remain in the service. 
Nor is this all, or even the worst of the matter. Men who 
served in the war as First Sergeants, and who distinguished 
themselves in that capacity, have been allowed to go back to 
their old companies to serve in inferior position?. Notably 
is this the case with Sergeant William H. Givens. whose his- 
tory has been detailed as commanding Troop D. Tenth Cav- 
alry, after Captain Bigelow fell, and who heroically led the 



25© REVIEW AND REFLFXTIONS 

troop up the hill. He is now serving in his old troop as Cor- 
poral, his distinction having actually worked his reduction 
rather than substantial promotion. 

It must not be inferred from the foregoing, however, that 
nothing whatever was done in recognition of the gallantry of 
the colored regulars. Something was done. Cases of indi- 
vidual heroism were so marked, and so numerous, that they 
could not be ignored. The men who had so distinguished 
themselves could not be disposed of by special mention and 
compliments in orders. Something more substantial was re- 
quired. Fortunately for such purpose four regiments of col- 
ored United States Volunteer Infantry were then in course 
of organization, in which the policy had been established that 
colored men should be accepted as officers below the grade of 
captain. Into these regiments the colored men wdio had won 
distinction at Santiago were placed, many as Second Lieuten- 
ants, although some were given First Lieutenancies. This ac- 
tion of the Government was hailed with great delight on the 
part of the colored Americans generally, and the honors were 
accepted very gratefully by the soldiers who had won them 
on the field. Fortunately as this opening seemed, it turned 
out very disappointing. It soon became evident that these 
regiments would be mustered out of the service, as they had 
proven themselves no more immune, so far as it could be de- 
termined from the facts, than other troops. The Lieutenants 
who had been most fortunate in getting their commissions 
early got about six or seven months' service, and' then the 
dream of their glory departed and they fell back to the ranks 
to stand "attention" to any white man who could muster po- 
litical influence sufficient to secure a commission. Their day 
was short, and when they were discharged from the volunteer 



RF.VIEW AND REFLECTIONS 



service, there appeared no future for them as commissioned 
officers. Their occupation was indeed "one. ft was for them 
a most disappointing- and exaspcratino- promotion, resulting 
in some cases in loss of standing and in financial injury. 
Their honors were too short-lived, and too circumscribed, to 
be much more than a lively tantalization. to l)e remembered 
with disgust by those who had worn them. Cruel, indeed, was 
the prejudice that could dictate such a poHcy to the brave 
black men of San Juan. The black heroes, however, were not 
without sympathy in their misfortune. IMie good people of 
the country had still a warm place in their hearts for the col- 
ored soldier, despite the sayings of his maligners. 

The people of Washington, D. C. had an opportunity to 
testify their appreciation of the Tenth Caxalry as that regi- 
ment passed through their city on its way to Us station in 
Alabama, and later a portion of it was called to Philadelphia 
to take part in the Peace Jubilee, and no troops received move 
generous attention. To express in some lasting form their re- 
gard for the regiment and its ofificers. some patriotic citizens 
of Philadelphia presented a handsome saber to Captain Charles 
G. Ayres, who had charge of the detachmeni which took part 
in the Peace Jubilee, "as a token of their appreciation of the 
splendid conduct of the regiment iti the campaign of Santiago, 
and of its superb soldierly appearance and good conduct dur- 
ing its attendance at the Jubilee Parade in Philadelphia." 

Likewise when the Twenty-fifth Infantry arrived at its sta- 
tion at Fort Logan, Colorado, the people of Denver gave to 
both ofificers and men a most cordial recei)tion. and mvited 
them at once to take part in their fall carnival. All over the 
country there was at that time an unusual degree of good feel- 
ino- toward the colored soldier who had fought so well, and 



252 REVIEW AND REFLECTIOXS 

no one seemed to begrudge him the rest which came to him or 
the honors bestowed upon him. 

This state of feeling did not last. Before the year closed 
assiduous efforts were made to poison the public mind toward 
the black soldier, and history can but record that these efforts 
were too successful. The three hundred colored officers be- 
came an object at which both prejudice and jealousy could 
strike; but to reach them the reputation of the entire colored 
contingent must be assailed. This was done with such vehem- 
ence and persistency that by the opening of 1899 the good 
name of the black regular was hidden under the rubbish of re- 
ports of misconduct. So much had been said and done, even 
in Denver, which had poured out its welcome words to the 
heroes of EI Caney, that the Ministerial Alliance of that city, 
on February 6, 1899, found it necessary to take up the sub- 
ject, and that body expressed itself in the unanimous adoption 
of the following resolutions: 

RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY! BY THE 
MINISTERIAL ALLIANCE OF DENVER, FEBRU- 
ARY 6, 1899. 

Resolved, By the Ministerial Alliance of the City of Den- 
ver, that the attempt made in certain quarters to have the 
Twenty-fifth Regiment, United States Infantry, removed from 
Fort Logan, appears to this body to rest on no just grounds, 
to be animated on the contrary by motives unworthy and dis- 
creditable to Denver and the State, and that especially in view 
of the heroic record of the Twenty-fifth Regiment, its pres- 
ence here is an honor to Denver and Colorado, which this Al- 
liance would regret to have withdrawn.* 



*Extract from The Statesman, Denver, after the departure of the 25th 
hifantry, and the arrival of the 34th : 

Two poHcemen killed, the murderer at large and his comrades of the 
34th Regiment busy boasting of their sympathy for him, and extolling his 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 253 

The mustering out of the volunteers about the time this 
opposition was approaching what appeared to be a cHmax, 
causing the removal from the service of the colored officers, 
appeased the wrath of the demon, and the waves of the storm 
gradually sank to a peace, gratifying, indeed, to those who 
shuddered to see a black man with shoulder-straps. As the last 
Negro officer descended from the platform and honorably laid 
aside his sword to take his place as a citizen of the Republic, 
or a private in her armies, that class of our citizenship breathed 
a sigh of relief. What mattered it to them whether justice 
were done; whether the army were weakened; whether indi- 
viduals were wronged; they were relieved from seeing Negroes 
in officers' uniforms, and that to them is a most gracious por- 
tion. The discharge of the volunteers was to them the triumph 
of their prejudices, and in it they took great comfort, although 
as a matter of fact it was a plain national movement coming 
about as a logical sequence, entirely independent of their 
whims or wishes. The injustice to the Negro officer does not 
lie in his being mustered out of the volunteer service, but in 
the failure to provide for a recognition of his valor in the na- 
tion's permanent military establishment. 



deed to the skies, yet not a single petition has been prepared to have the 
regiment removed. The 25th Infantry, with its honor undimmed by any 
such wanton crime, with a record unexcelled by any regiment m the ser- 
vice, was the target for all sorts of criticism and persecution as soon as it 
arrived. The one is a white regiment, composed of the scum of the earth, 
the other a black regiment composed of men who have yet to do one thing 
of which they should be ashamed. Yet Denver welcomes the one with 
open arms and salutes with marked favor, while she barely suffered the 

other to remain. . , , , ji i j <r c* 

Had it been a negro soldier who committed the dastardly deed ot Sat- 
urday night the War Department would have been deluged with complaints 
and requests for removal, but not a word has been said against the 34th. 
Prejudice and hatred blacker than the wings of night has so envenomed 
the breasts of the people that fairness is out of the questiom Be he black, 
no matter how noble and good, a man must be despised. Be he white, he 
may commit the foulest of crimes and yet have his crimes condoned. 



254 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

The dc])arture of the colored man from the volunteer ser- 
vice was the consequent disappearance of the colored military 
officer, with the singie exception of Lieutenant Charles Young 
of the Regular Cavalry, had a very depressing effect upon the 
colored people at large, and called forth from their press and 
their associations most earnest protests. With a few exce^)- 
tions, these protests were encouched in resjjectful lanp'uage to- 
ward the President and his advisers, but the grovmds upon 
which they were based were so fair and just, that right-think- 
ing men could not avoid their force. The following resolution, 
passed l)y the Xational Afro-American Council, may be taken 
as representatixe of the best form of such remonstrance: 

'^Rcsoli'cd, That we are heartily grieved that the President 
of the United States and those in authority have not from time 
to time used their high station to voice the best conscience of 
the nation in regard to mob violence and fair treatment of 
justly deserving men. Jt is not right that American citizens 
should be despoiled of life and liberty while the nation looks 
silently on: or that soldiers who. with conspicuous bravery, 
offer their lives for the country, should have their promotion 
result in practical dismissal from the army." 

The nation graciously heeded the call of justice and in the 
re-organization of the volunteer arm}- pro\'ided for 
two colored regiments. of which all the com- 
panv officers should be colored men. Under this ar- 
rangement man}- of the black heroes of Santiago 
were recalled from the ranks and again restored to the posi- 
tions thev had won. Thus did the nation in part remedy the 
evil which came in consecjuence of the discharge of the volun- 
teers, and prove its willingness to do right. Triumphantly did 
the Administration vindicate itself in the eyes of good people, 



RF.VIEW AND KEFI.KCTIONS y-.^ 

and again did it place its withering- tlisapi^roval npon llie con- 
duct of those who were ready t(j shout their applause over tlie 
worthy black officer's accidental humiliation. The Xegro offi- 
cer disappeared from the United States' Regiments as a Lieu- 
tenant only: but he returns to the same, or rather, to a higher 
grade of the same form of regiments, both as Lieutenani and 
Captain. How rapid and pronounced has been the evolution! 
It is true the Negro officer is still a volunteer, but his standing 
is measurably improved, both because of the fact of his recall, 
and also because the regiments which he is now entering havo 
some prospect of being incorporated into the Regular Army. 
It does not seem probable that the nation can much longer 
postpone the increase of the standing army, and in this in- 
crease it is to be hoped the American Negro, both as soldier 
and officer, will receive that full measure of justice of which 
the formation of the present two colored regiments is so con- 
spicuous a part. 



DIARY OF E. L. BAKER, SERGEANT-MAJOR TENTH 
U. S. CAVALRY'. 

Appointed First Lieutenant Nintli L'. S. Volunteer Infantry, and later 
Captain ol the Forty-ninth X'oluntccr Infantry — Now Lieutenant in 
Philippine Scouts. 

A TRIP FROM MONTANA TO CUB.V WITH THE 
TENTH U. S. CAVALR^^ 

April i6. 1898. at 10.45 P- '"•• 5:elegram was received from 
Department Head(iuarters. St. Paul. Minnesota, ordering the 
regiment to the Department of the Ckilf. 

As everv click of the telegraph instrumcni was exi)ected to 
announce a rupture in the diplomatic relations between the 
United States and the Kingdom of Spain, all knew that the 
mobilization of the army South meant preparing it for the 
serious work for which it is maintained. 



256 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

On April 19 we were off for Chickamauga Park. En route 
we were heartily greeted. Patriotism was at its height. Every 
little hamlet, even, had its offerings. To compare the journey 
with Csesar's march of triumph would be putting it mildly. 

We arrived at the historic point April 25. Every momeni; 
of our stay there was assiduously devoted to organizing, re- 
fitting and otherwise preparing for the inevitable. Officers 
were sent to many parts of the country- .to secure recruits 
Many also gave up details nd relinquished their leaves of ab- 
sence to take part in the impending crisis. 

May 14. We were moved a little nearer the probable 
theatre of operations. On account of some deficiency in water 
for troops at Tampa, the regiment was stopped at Lakeland, 
30 miles this side, where many recruits were received ; Troops 
increased to war strength, and new Troops established. Drills 
and instructions were also constantly followed up. 

June 6. Orders were received to prepare headquarters, 
band and eight Troops dismounted, with trained men only, for 
service in Cuba. Recruits to be left in camp with horses and 
property. 

June 7. We were oft" for Port Tampa, where the regiment 
embarked on the steamship Leona that afternoon. 

June 8. She steamed from the dock. When the expedition 
seemed to be forming, news was received that the dreaded 
Spanish fleet was being sighted, evidently lying in wait for 
army transports. So we steamed back to the pier. Many of 
the men appeared disappointed at the move, probably not rea- 
lizing that there was too much water in the Atlantic Ocean for 
the 5th Army Corps to drink. 

To my mind, the Divine Providence surely directed the 
move, as the delay enabled the force to be swelled several 
thousand, every one of whom was needed before Santiago. 



REVIEW ANU KEKI ECTIONS 157 

June 14. We steamed out of Tampa Bay, amid cheers and 
music from the thirty odd transports, heavily escorted by 
naval vessels. Am.ong them were the much talked-of dyna- 
miter, Vesuvius, and the beautiful little cruiser, Helena. Off 
Dry Tortugas that formidable warship, Indiana, joined the 
fleet. 

Splendid weather; nothing unusual transpiring, though our 
transport, which also contained the First U. S. Cavalry, had 
a seemingly close call from being sent to the bottom of the 
sea, or else being taken in as a prisoner, which the enemy could 
have done with impunity. 

Whilst going down the Saint Nicholas Chanel, in Cuban 
waters, the vessel was deliberately stopped about midnight. 
June 16, and left to roll in the trough of the sea until the morn- 
ing of the 17th, in consequence of which we were put 20 hours 
behind the fleet and without escort, almost in sight of the 
Cuban shores. 

Men were indignant at having been placed in such a help- 
less position, and would have thrown the captain of the ship, 
whom they accused of being a Spanish sympathizer and other- 
wise disloyal, overboard without ceremony, but for the strong 
arm of military discipline. We were picked up by the U. S. 
Cruiser Bancroft, late in the afternoon, she having been sent in 
quest of the Jonah of the fleet. Upon approach of the ship 
there were prolonged cheers from all of Uncle Sam's defend- 
ers. The only explanation that I have ever heard for this un- 
pardonable blunder on the part of the ship's crew was that they 
mistook a signal of a leading vessel. 

June 20. Land was sighted. 

June 21. Dispatch boats active; transports circling; Morro 
Castle pointed out; three days' rations issued to each man; 
no extra impedimenta to be taken ashore; crew preparing for 
landing. 



ajS REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

June 22. As we neared Daiquiri, the designated place for 
disembarking, flames could be seen reaching almost to the 
heavens, the town having been fired by the fleeing Spaniards 
upon the approach of war vessels of Sampson's fleet, who were 
assembling to bombard the shore and cover our landing. After 
a fierce fire from these ships, the landing was effected with 
Joss of two men of our regiment, who were doubtless crushed 
to death between the lighters. They were buried near the place 
of recovery the next morning. 

The few half-clothed and hungry-looking natives on shore 
seemed pleased to see us. Daiquiri, a shipping point of the 
Spanish-American Iron Company, was mostly deserted. The 
board houses seemed to have been spared, while the sun-burned 
huts thatched with palm were still smoking, also the roundhouse 
m which there were two railroad locomotives, warped and 
twisted from the heat. The Spanish evidently fired everything 
they could before evacuating. 

June 23. At 6.00 p. m. Troops A, B, E and I, left with four 
Troops of the First U. S. Cavalr>^ and Rough Riders (First U. 
S. Volunteer Cavalry) as advance guard of the Army of In- 
vasion on the main road to Santiago de Cuba ; about 800 men 
all told, three Hotchkiss guns, manned by ten cavalrymen, ac- 
companied also by the Brigadier Commander, General S. M. B. 
Young and staff. 

Note. — These troops marched about 13 miles through a 
drenching rain from 7 to 10 p. m. ; bivouacked one hour later. 
On the 24th, after breakfast, took the trail about 5.15 a .m. 
The vapor from wet clothing rose with the sun, so that you 
could scarcely recognize a man ten feet away. About three 
and one-half miles above Siboney the command was halted; 
ihe first U. S. Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders) sent to the 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 259 

left; proceeding farther about one mile, the main cohmm was 
split, First U. S. Cavalry going to the right, the Tenth Cavalry 
remaining in the center. General Wheeler joined at this point, 
accompanied by his orderly- Private Queenc, Troop A. Tenth 
Cavalry. Disposition of the troops was explained by General 
Young, who had located his headquarters with the Tenth U. 
S. Cavalry; General Wheeler made his the same. Hotchkiss 
guns were ordered closed up: magazines filled. The column 
had proceeded but a short way when the engagement opened 
m all its fury; troops were deployed and advanced in the di- 
rection from which the bullets were coming the thickest, as 
rapidly as the formation of the ground would permit, the left 
of the line touching the right of the Rough Riders. 

June 24. Headquarters, band and the remainder of the 
First and Tenth U. S. Cavalry were off at 6 A. M. The road 
was alive with troops (C, D, F, G,) colonels and privates alike 
lugging their rations and bedding beneath that ever watchful 
tropical sun, feeling as though they would wilt at every step, 
the undergrowth being so thick and tall that scarcely any 
breeze could get to you. 

On emerging from this thicket, through which we had been 
marching for several hours, the Sampson fleet could be heard 
firing on the Spanish batteries on shore. Marines and other 
troops could be seen crossing the mountains above Altares; 
this revived the men very much. As we approached Verm 
larabo (Altares?), we were met by General Lawton, who in- 
formed our Colonel that the advance guard was engaged with 
ihe Spanish at La Guasima, and that it was hard pressed. Our 
pace was quickened ; the news appeared to lighten our heavy 
packs as we toiled to the front to assist our comrades. The 
roar of the artillery became plainer: uounded men along the 



26o REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

road as well as those playednDut from the intense heat. Wo- 
men and children were fleeing to places of safety. Our forces 
were repairing a railroad engine and track; also tearing up a 
piece leading to a Spanish blockhouse. In fact, everything 
seemed to have on an exceedingly warlike tint, but our ad- 
vance continued as swifty as our weary feet would allow, 
which soon brought us to a number of our own comrades con- 
veyed on litters from La Guasima, where our advance guard 
was tussling hard with the Dons for the honors of the day. 

Upon arrival of reinforcements, victory had been wrested 
from the Dons fairly by the advance guard without assistance. 
Every one greeted each other, as though it had been a year 
instead of a few hours since parting. The First U. S. Cavalry 
and Rough Riders were unstinted in extolling the fighting 
qualities of their brothers in anns, the Tenth U. S. Cavalry. 

The enemy was struck early June 24, entrenched on the 
heights of La Guasima, near Sevilla, on the main road from 
Daiquiri to the city of Santiago de Cuba. The advance guard 
was soon hotly engaged with them ; after a very desperate fight 
of over one hour, the enemy was driven in confusion from 
their intrenchments. Our men were too exhausted to follow 
them. The Tenth Cavalry lost 13 killed and wounded. For 
a while it was a terrific fight, as the enemy was strongly in- 
tienched on the heights and our men had to climb them sub- 
jected to their fire, which was very accurate, and much of it 
doubtless from machine guns in hands of experienced men. 
Our men had also to contend with the thickest underbrush, 
wire fences (the famous military trochas) and Spanish dag- 
gers jabbing them in side at every step. For a while the situa- 
tion was serious. The decisive blow of the attack seems to 
have been struck at an opportune moment, and the enemy 
withdrew in confusion. 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 261 

It has been estimated that about 4,000 Spanish were en- 
gaged. Everything indicated that they lost heavily; a San- 
tiago paper put it at 240. The writer and the Sergeant-Major 
of the First U. S. Cavalry superintended the digging of one 
large grave where all the dead of the two regiments were in- 
terred according to the Episcopal service. The Rough Riders, 
being farther to our left, buried their own. If advantage of 
position goes for anything, the Spanish should have annihi- 
lated the Americans as they approached the stronghold. 

The command remained on the battleheld until June 26, 
when it proceeded to Sevilla, an old coffee and sugar planta- 
tion, to await the assembling of the army and placing of the 
artillery. 

Our camp at Sevilla was an interesting one in many ways. 
It was pitched between the main road and a stream of excel- 
lent water. From the hill beyond, the Spanish works could be 
viewed. From the roadside many acquaintances were seen, 
also generals, foreign military attaches, troops, artillery and 
pack trains. Wheeled transportation seemed entirely out of its 
place in Cuba ; one piece of artillery was noticed with 24 horses 
tugging away at it. 

The Cuban Army, cavalry and infantry, i)assed us at this 
point, which seemed to consist of every male capable of swell- 
ing the crowd. Those unable to carry or secure gun^ had an 
old knife or machete strapped to them. 

On June 30, about 4 P. M., shortly after our daily shower. 
which was a little more severe and much longer than usual, the 
regiment was put in motion for the front. We had marched 
about 1600 yards when the w^ar balloon was seen ascending 
some distance to our right. As the balloon question was new. 
every one almost v/as stumbling on the man's heels in front. 
tr>'ing to get a peep at this wonderful war machine. 



a62 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

After much vexatious delay, narrow road crowded with 
troops, a pack train came along and added its mite to the con- 
gestion, as some of the mules turned their heels on the advanc- 
ing column when pushed too much. 

We finall}'^ merged into a beautiful lawn, site of the Divis- 
ion Hospital, where all were as busy as beavers in placing this 
indispensable adjunct in order. Here the work of July i was 
clearly suggested. Proceeding, wading and rewading streams, 
we bivouacked beyond the artillery on the heights of El Poso, 
an old sugar plantation, about four miles off, in plain view of 
the city of Santiago. The lights of the city showed so 
brightly, the enemy offering no resistance to our advance, I 
could not help feeling apprehensive of being in a trap. I 
thought so seriously over the matter that I did not unroll my 
pack, so as to be ready at an instant. Simply released my 
slicker, put it on, and lay down where I halted. 

Early July i all the brigade was up, getting breakfast and 
making as much noise as if on a practice march. The Tenth 
Cavalry did not make any fire until orders were received to 
that effect. I remarked to my bunky that we were not going 
to fight evidently, as the smoke would surely disclose our 
presence and enable the enemy's artillery to get our range. 
The whole of Santiago seemed to be decorated with hospital 
flags. 

At 6.30 a shell from Capron's battery, U. S. Artillery, di- 
rected at a blockhouse in El Caney, announced that the battle 
was on. Then the musketry became general. All stood and 
watched the doomed village quite a while as the battle pro- 
gressed. Soon Grices' battery of the U. S. Artillery, which 
was in support, belched forth destruction at the Spanish works 
of the city, using black powder. The fire was almost immed- 



REVIEW AHD REFLECTIONS 263 

lately returned by the enemy's batteries, who had smokeles>. 
They were shortly located when a fierce duel took place. The 
Dons were silenced, but not until we had suffered loss. Dur- 
ing this fire an aide — Lieut. Wm. E. Shipp, Tenth Cavalry, 
Brigade Quartermaster — brought orders for us to take posi- 
tion on the left of the First U. S. Cavalry. The line extended 
nearly north and south on a ridge some three or four miles 
from the city, where the regiment was exposed to much of 
the return fire from the enemy's batteries. The men exhibited 
no special concern and watched the flight of the death mes- 
senger as eagerly as if at a horse race. Adjutant Barnuni 
here divided the band and turned it over to the surgeons to 
assist in caring for the wounded, and directed Saddler Ser 
geant Smith and myself to accompany the Colonel in advance. 
When Lieut. Shipp delivered his orders, some of the officers 
remarked, "You are having a good time riding around here. ' 
He replied that it was no picnic riding among bullets, and 
that he would prefer being with his troops. 

After the artillery had ceased firing, the regiment moved to 
the right, passed El Poso, where there were additional signs 
of the enemy's havoc among our troops, proceeded down the 
road leading to Santiago. The movement of the regiment 
was delayed as it approached the San Juan River, by an in- 
fantry brigade which had halted. 

The regiment came within range of musket lire about three- 
quarters or one-half mile from the crossing. Upon reaching 
the ford the Colonel (Baldwin) rode nearly across the stream 
(closely follow^ed by his regiment) when we were greeted by 
the Dons with a terrific volley of musketry, soon followed by 
artillery, which caused us to realize more fully than ever, thai 
"things were coming our way." Orders were i^ivcn to throw 



«64 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

off packs and get cover. In removing his, Sergeant Smith, 
on my immediate left, was assisted by a Spanish bullet, and 
an infantry soldier fell as my pack was thrown ofi to the right. 
In seeking cover men simply dropped to the right and left of 
the road in a prone position. 

The regiment was here subjected to a terrific converging 
fire from the blockhouse and intrenchments in front and the 
works further to the left and nearer the city. The atmos- 
phere seemed perfectly alive with flying missiles from bursting 
shells over head, and rifle bullets which seemed to have an ex- 
plosive effect. Much fire was probably drawn by the war bal- 
loon, which preceded the regiment to a point on the edge of 
the river, near the ford, where it was held. This balloon un- 
doubtedly rendered excellent service in locating positions of 
the Spanish works and developing an ambush which had been 
laid for us, but the poor, ill-fated balloon certainly received 
many uncomplimentary remarks during our stay in its vicinity. 

It seemed as though the Spanish regarded the balloon as an 
evil agent of some kind, and as though every gun, both great 
and small, was playing on it. I made several trips under it fol- 
lowing the Colonel, who repeatedly rode up and down the 
stream, and I would have been fully satisfied to have allowed 
my mind even to wander back to the gaily lighted ball rooms 
and festivals left behind only a few months before. 

While on the last trip under the balloon a large naval shell 
exploded, knocking the Colonel's hat off, crippling his horse, 
and injuring the rider slightly in the arm and side, all of 
course, in addition to a good sand bath. I then joined the 
regiment, some rods beyond, then under cover. In crouching 
down behind a clump of brush, heard some one groan; on 
looking around, saw Private Marshall struggling in the river 



REVIEW AND REFI.ECTIONS 265 

•wounded. Immediately rushing to his assistance another of 
those troublesome she'ls passed so close as to cause me to feel 
ihe heat. It did not stop the effort, however, and the wounded 
man was placed in safety. 

The regiment remained in the road only a few moments 
when it was ordered to take position behind the river bank 
some yards above the balloon for protection ; while moving to 
that position, and while there, suffered much loss. Why we 
did not lose heavier may be attributed to the fact that the 
enemy's musket fire was a trifle high, and their shells timed 
from one-half to one second too long, caused them to explode 
beyond, instead of in front, where the shells would have cer- 
tainly secured the Dons' maximum results, as, after the bal- 
loon was cut down, you could scarcely hold your hand up 
without getting it hit. During the battle, one trooper fell 
upon a good-sized snake and crushed it to death, and another 
trooper allowed one of these poisonous reptiles to crawl over 
him while dodging a volley from the Spanish Mausers. 

The shrapnel and canister shells, with their exceedingly 
mournful and groaning sound, seemed to have a more terrify- 
ing effect than the swift Mauser bullet, which always rendered 
the same salutation, "Bi-Yi." The midern shrapnel shell is 
better known as the man-killing projectile, and may be re- 
garded as the most dangerous of all projectiles designed for 
taking human life. It is a shell filled with 200 or 300 bullets, 
and having a bursting charge, which is ignited by a time fuse, 
only sufficient to break the base and release the bullets, which 
then move forward with the velocity it had the time of brust- 
mg. Each piece is capable of dealing death to any living 
thing in its path. In practice firing, it is k-nown where, by one 
shot, 152 hits were made by a single shrapnel. In another, 



266 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

215 hits are recorded. Imagine then, the havoc of a well-di- 
rected slirapnel upon a group of men such as is here repre- 
sented. Capron's battery at El Caney cut down 16 cavalrymen 
with one shell. 

After a delay of about 30 minutes, during part of the time, 
the writer, assisted by Sergeant Smith and Mr. T. A. Baldwin, 
cut all the wire fences possible. Mr. Baldwin was dangerously 
wounded \vhile so engaged just before the general advance. 

The regiment merged into open space in plain view of and 
under the fire of the enemy ; and formed line of battle facing 
toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north, 
occujiied by the Spanish, and advanced rapidly in this forma- 
tion, under a galling, converging fire from the enemy's artil- 
lery and infantry, on the blockhouses and heavy intrench- 
ments to the right front. Many losses occurred before reach- 
ing the top of the hill, Lieut. W. H. Smith being killed while 
gallantly conducting his troop as it arrived on the crest. 
Lieut. W. E. Shipp was killed alx)ut the same instant, shortly 
after leaving Lieutenant Smith, further to the left and near 
the pond on the sunken road leading to Santiago. Lieutenant 
Smith was struck in the head and perished Vv'ith a single groan. 
Lieutenant Shipp was hit near the heart ; death must have been 
almost instantaneous, though it appears he made an effort to 
make use of his first aid package. Thus the careers of two 
gallant and efficient officers whose lives had been so closely as- 
sociated Avere ended. 

Private Slaughter, who was left in charge of Lieutenant 
Smith's body, was picked off by the Spanish sharpshooters, 
and Private Jackson, Lieutenant Shipp's orderly, was left as 
deaf rtS a post from a bursting shell. 

The enemy having been driven back, northwest, to the second. 



KEVIEW AND RKFLECTIONS 267 



and third blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid ad 
vance made upon them to the new positions. The regiment as- 
sisted in capturing these works from the enemy, and planted 
two sets of colors on them, then took up a position to the 
north of the second blockhouse. With some chanties in posi- 
tion of troops, this line, one of the most advanced, about three 
hundred yards of the enemy, was held and intrenchmcnt> 
dug under a very heavy and continuous fire from the Spanish 
intrenchments in front, July 2 and 3. 

In their retreat from the ridge, the enemy stood not on the 
order of their going, but fled in disorder like so many sheep 
from the scene, abandoning a quantity of ammunition, which 
was fired at them subsequently from our rapid-fire guns. Our 
men were too exhausted to pursue them, footwear and cloth 
ing being soaked by wading rivers, they had become drenched 
with rain, and when they reached the crest they were about 
played-out; having fought about 12 hours, most of which was 
under that ever-relcntless tropical sun. 

Throughout the night, work on the intrenchments was 
pushed, details buried the dead, improvised litters, and con- 
veyed the wounded to hospitals, all of which was prosecuted 
with that vim for which the regular soldier is characterized. 
not\vithstanding their water-logged condition. 

The regiment acted with extraordinary coolness and bra\ - 
ery. It held its position at the ford and moved forward un- 
flinchingly after deployment, through the dense underbrush. 
crossed and recrossed by barbed wire, under heavy and almost 
plunging fire from the Spanish works, while attacking with 
small arms an enemy strongly posted in intrenchments and 
blockhouses, supported by artillery, and who stubbornly con- 
tested everv itich of ground gained by the American troops. 



268 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

Officers were exceedingly active and tireless in their efforts 
to inspire and encourage the men. You could hear them call 
out, "Move right along; the Spaniards can't shoot; they are 
using blanks." One officer deliberately stopped and lit his pipe 
amid a shower of bullets, and then moved on as unconcerned 
as if on target practice. 

The rifle pits occupied by the enemy were intrenchments in 
reality, dug almost shoulder deep, and faced with stone, being 
constructed without approaches, leaving the only avenue for 
escape over the parapet, which was equivalent to committing 
suicide, in face of the unerring marksmanship of the United 
States troops. 

We were afterward told by a Spanish soldier how they were 
held in these trenches by an officer stationed at each end with 
a club ; also how they depended on their officers for everything. 
This may account for the large percentage of our officers 
picked off by the Dons. I observed during the battle that 
when spotted by the enemy, delivering orders or busying about 
such duties as usually indicated some one in authority, the 
Spanish would fire whole volleys at an individual, this evi- 
dently with a view to demoralizing the rank and file by knock- 
ing off the officers. 

The Spanish also tried an old Indian trick to draw our fire, 
or induce the men to expose themselves, by raising their hats 
on sticks or rifles, or placing them upon parapets, so when we 
went to fire they would aim to catch us as we rose with a 
terrific volley. The Dons were, however, soon convinced of 
their folly in this respect, as we always had a volley for the 
hats and a much stouter one for the enemy as he raised to reply 
to the volley at the hats. The Tenth Cavalry had fought In- 
dians too long in the West to be foiled in that manner. 



REVIEW AND REfLECTJONS 269 

We were annoyed much by the Spanish sharpshooters sta 
tioned in tops of the beautiful palms and other trees of dense 
foliage. A number of these guerillas were found provided 
with seats, water and other necessaries, and I am told some of 
them had evidently robbed our dead to secure themselves an 
American uniform, that they might still carry on their nefar- 
ious work undetected. 

Many of the disabled received their second and some their 
mortal wound, while being conveyed from the field by litter- 
bearers. 

Though it w^as the tendency for a time to give the sharp- 
shooter story little or no credence, but to lay the matter to 
"spent bullets"; it seemed almost out of the question that 
"spent bullets" should annoy our Division Hospital, some four 
or five miles from the Spanish works. It would also seem 
equally as absurd that a bullet could be trained to turn angles, 
as several of our men were hit while assembled for transfer 
to general hospital and receiving temporary treatment at the 
dressing station located in an elbow of the San Juan River. 

The Division Hospital w^as so harassed that it was neces- 
asry to order four Troops of the 9th U. S. Cavalry there for 
guard. While en route to the hospital on the morning of July 
2 with wounded, I saw a squad of the 2nd U. S. Cavalry after 
one of these annoying angels, not 20 feet from the road. On 
arrival at the hospital I was told by a comrade that several 
had been knocked from their stage of action. On July i, our 
Color-Sergeant was shot from a tree after our line had passed 
beneath the tree where he was located. July 3. three more 
fell in response to a volley through tree tops, and on July 14. 
while waiting the hand to reach the hour for the bombardment 
of the city, one of the scoundrels deliberately ascended a tree 



»7^ REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

in piain view of, and within two hundred yards of, our line. 
It v/as a good thing that the white flag for .-surrender appeared 
before the hour to commence firing, otherwise Spain would 
iiave had at least one less to haggle with on account of back- 
pay. 

To locate a sharpshooter using smokeless powder among the 
dense tropical growth may be compared with "looking for a 
needle in a haystack." 

The killed and wounded in battle present a scene well cal- 
calated to move the most callous. Men shot and lacerated in 
every conceivable manner; some are expressionless; some just 
as they appeared in life; while others are pinched and drawn 
and otherwise distorted, portraying agony in her most dis- 
tressful state. Of the wounded, in their anguish, some are 
perfectly quiet; others are heard praying; some are calling for 
their mothers, while others are giving out patriotic utterances, 
urging their com.rades on to victory, or bidding them farewell 
as they pass on to the front. July i, in passing a wounded 
comrade, he told me that he could whip the cowardly Spaniard 
who shot him. in a fair fist fig-ht. 

During the first day's battle many interesting sights were 
witnessed. The new calibre 30 Catling guns were in action. 
These cruel machines were peppering away several hundred 
shots each per minute and sweeping their front from right to 
left, cutting down shrubbery and Spaniards like grain before 
the reaper. I observed the excellent service of the Hotchkiss 
Mountain gun; they certainly do their work to perfection and 
well did the Dons know it. Many shots fired into the "blind 
ditches and blockhouses" of the enemy caused them to scatter 
like rats. These guns use a percussion shell nearly two inches, 
and can be packed on mules. They were designed for light 



REVIEW AND REFLECTluNs 271 



service with cavalry on the frontier. Four of these little 
beauties were manned by men of the Tenth Cavalry. The 
vSpanish made it so hot for the boys that they would have to 
roll the gun under cover to load, and then steal it back to fire. 

I saw one of our light batteries of artillery g-o in position 
under fire at the foot of San Juan Hill. The movement was 
swiftly and skillfully executed. A most interesting feature 
of this was to see the Caissons, drawn by six magnificent 
liorses. off for ammunition. Three drivers to each outfit, one 
to each pair of horses; all plying the whip at every jump, 
would reiuin-d you of a Roman chariot race coming around on 
their last heat. 

Wheeled vehicles of war suffer more than other troops, on 
account of their stationary positions. It is here that the 
dreaded sharpshooter comes in for glory, by picking off tin- 
ijunners and other individuals. 

Pack trains were seen dashing along the hnc with that al- 
ways absolutely essential — ammunition — thereby gladdening 
the hearts of the boys who were doing their utmost to expend 
every round in their belts to gain another foot of Spanish ter- 
ritory'. 

During all these stirring events the stomachs «>f the real 
heroes were not neglected, and most certainly not along our 
part of the line. Pack mules were brought right up to the 
line under a hot fire, loaded with sugar, coffee, bacon and 
hardtack, all of which was in plenty. Some of the mules were 
killed and wounded, but this did not retard the advance of the 
train. When near the firing line some one called. "Whose 
lations?" A prompt reply, "Hungry soldiers." 

The daring horseman was all that was needed to make the 
situation complete. Without participation of cavalr>-. the 



272 REVIEW AND KEFLECTIONS 

ideal Vvarrior disappears from the scene, and the battle and 
picture of war is robbed of its most attractive feature. 

Late in the afternoon, July i, I was directed to take Sad- 
dler Sergeant Smith and bring to the firing line all the men I 
could find of the regiment. Going to the dressing station, col- 
lected those who had brought or assisted wounded there, 
thence across a portion of the field passed over a few hours 
previous. Men were found almost exhausted, soaking wet, or 
a solid mass of mud, resting as comfortably as if in the finest 
of be^s; many of them had been on picket duty all night be- 
fore, to which was added the hard day's work not then com- 
pleted. After locating all I could, we went to the crest of the 
San Juan Hill, to the left of the sunken road, where the First 
U. S. Cavalry was reforming, and there picked up a few more 
who had joined that regiment. 

The Tenth Cavalry having in the meantime taken another 
position, I set out to find it, going in front, telling Smith to 
bring up the rear. We were detained a short time near Sunken 
Roads by shells from Cervera's fleet, which were falling in it at 
a lively rate. Barbed wire prevented us from "running the 
gauntlet." Shortly after crossing the road an oflScer passed 
us, his horse pushed to his utmost, telling us to take all the am- 
munition that v/e possibly could on the firing line. About that 
instant, the pack train came thundering by, which we re- 
lieved of a few thousand rounds in short order. I was much 
amused at one of the men who irmocently asked, "Where are 
we to get axes to burst these strong boxes?" The job was 
speedily accomplished before the boxes were on the ground 
good, and most certainly in less time than it would have taken 
to explain matters to the inexperienced. We were soon off 
again, tramping all over the country, through darkness, run- 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 273 



iiing into wire entanglements, outposts and pickets, and within 
fifty yards of tlie enemy (subsequently ascertained). 

About 11.00 P. M. found Colonel Roosevelt a few hundred 
yards from the Spanish lines with some of my regiment, the 
First Cavalry, and Rough Riders, at work on trenches, where 
we reported. All seemed glad to have my little reinforcemen:, 
about 65 men, and ammunition. I never felt so relieved at 
anything as I did to get that herculean task ofif my hands, 'i 
job as hard as working a problem in the third book of Euclid. 
The men were so tired that they would lie down at every stop 
to find the right road or the way out of the wire entangle- 
ments constantly encountered. I have never seen in a book 
anything to equal the Spanish wire entanglements. Barbed 
wire was stretched in every nook and corner, through stream-, 
erass, and from two inches to six feet in height, and from a 
corkscrew to a cable in design. It takes the nerve of a circus 
man to get men along when they are so exhausted that every 
place feels alike to them, and that they would gladly give 
away Mr. Jim Hill's fortune if they possessed it, for a few 
hours' sleep. 

On arrival at the front, lunch was about over or just ready. 
Lieutenant E. D. Anderson (loth Cavalry) gave me two and 
one-half hardtacks from his supply, which he carried in his 
bosom. I was soon down for a little rest; all desultory fir- 
ing had ceased; the pick and the shovel were the only things to 
disturb the quietude of that anxious night. Had been down 
but a short time when aroused by one of the Rough Riders, 
who had some rice and meat in an ammunition box which he 
brought from the captured blockhouse. The meat was un- 
doubtedly mule, as the longer I chewed it the larger and more 
spongy it got, and were it not for the fact that I had had 
18 



2 74 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

some experience in the same line many years before in Mexico 
while in pursuit of hostile Indians, I would certainly have ac- 
cused our best friends (Rough Riders) of feeding us rubber. 
I made another effort for a little sleep, and was again aroused 
by some one passing around hardtack, raw bacon, etc., with in- 
structions as to where to go to cook it. I thanked him and 
carefully laid it aside to resume my nap. At 2.40 A. M. the 
pickets were having such a lively set to, that I thought the gen- 
eral engagement was on. It was at this time I discovered 
that I was shivering cold, and that my teeth were rattling equal 
to a telegraph sounder; so under the circumstances, I con- 
cluded not to try for any more sleep. The dew was falling 
thick and heavy; no coat, no blanket, top shirt torn in strips 
from the brush, and undershirt wet and in my pack, thrown off 
on coming into battle. 

Early July 22nd the artillery took position on our left. 
Pickets kept up firing from 2.40 A. M. until 5.25, when the 
engagement became general. Shortly after 6.00 A. M. our 
artillery opened on the Spanish works, who promptly returned 
the compliment. During the firing the Dons exploded a shell 
in the muzzle of one of our pieces. Adjutant Barnum fell ai 
6.30 A. M. ; his wound was promptly dressed, when I started 
ro the Division Hospital with him. Though seriously hurt, I 
have never seen a better natured man. While en route, we 
laid him down to eat a can of salmon found in the road. In re- 
sponse to his query, "What's up, Sergeant?" the salmon was 
passed him; he helped himself, no further questions were 
asked, and the journey was resumed. Oil arrival at the hospi- 
tal he was quickly examined and placed on a comfortable cot. 
Many of the attendtns were completely played-out from over- 
work. 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 275 

A visit to a field hospital will have a lasting place in your 
memory. Every way you turn, amid the cries and groans, 
you get a beck or call to ease this, or hand me that, and one 
feels badly because of his inability to extend them material aid 
in their sufferings. 

On returning to the front, I found the regiment as hotly 
engaged as when I left it some hours before. As the fighting 
was from trenches, many of our men v.ere wounded by shells. 
Sharpshooters were on hand as usual. I was sent to the Cap- 
tain of Troop E, under the crest of the hill, with orders to dig 
an approach to one of the enemy's trenches, evacuated the day 
before; also to bury some of their dead. While delivering the 
order, it being necessary to get very close on account of the 
noise, one of those ever vigilant sharpshooters put a bullet be- 
tween our faces. The Captain asked me to cut the wire fence 
so his troops could get through more rapidly; while telling me, 
another bullet passed so close as to disturb the Captain's 
mustache. He took it good-naturedly, only remarking as he 
smiled, "Pretty close, Sergeant-Major!" 

Firing ceased about 8 P. M. After all had had supper we 
changed position further to the right, v.diere work on trenches 
was resumed. About 10.30 P. M. the Spaniards made an at- 
tack upon our lines, and I have never before or since seen such 
terrific firing; the v/hole American line, which almost encircled 
the city, was a solid flame of fire. The enemy's artillery re- 
plied, also their much-praised "Mausers," but to no avail ; they 
had opened the ball, but Uncle Sam's boys did not feel like 
yielding one inch of the territory so dearly bought. 

About midnight all hands were aroused by the dynamite 
cruiser Vesuvius "coughing" for the Dons. The roar was so 
great that it seemed to shake the whole island. To the unin- 



276 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

itiated it would appear that some one had taken a few moun- 
tains several miles up in a balloon and thrown them down. 

July 3. Firing by pickets commenced very early, and quite 
heavy, at 5.40 A. M. Terrific cannonading to the seaward 
was heard between 9 and 10 A. M. As there was some talk of 
the enemy making a sortie, all eyes were open. Dirt began 
falling in the pits from the jar, bells could be heard tolling in 
the city, and steam whistles in the harbor. There was much 
speculation as to what was in progress. I'll say that there 
were many glad hearts when the news reached us that Samp- 
son's fleet zvas King of the Seas. At 12 M. all firing was or- 
dered off, for flag of truce to enter the Spanish lines. When 
the order for cease firing was given, one of the troopers laid 
his gun upon the parapet and remarked that he "would not 
take $2000 for his experience, but did not want a cent's worth 
more." Work on bomb-proofs and breast works was contin- 
ued incessantly until news of the surrender reached us. 

July 4. Flag of truce all day ; national and regimental colors 
placed on parapets. At noon the regiment paraded, and all 
hearts cheered by the patriotic telegram of the Commander-in- 
Chief— His Excellency, President McKinley. Refugees, in 
droves, could be seen leaving for several days, notice of bom- 
bardment having been served on the city. 

July 5. There was much excitement when Lieutenant Hob- 
son and party crossed our lines. 

During truce, the monotony was broken occasionally by the 
presence of Spanish soldiers in quest of something to eat or 
desiring to surrender. 

Truce was off July 10 at 4 P. M. Bombardment of the city 
commenced by the army and navy combined, which continued 
until 2 P. M. nth. Catling, dynamite, rapid-firing and Hotch- 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 877 

kiss guns were so well trained that the Dons scarcely dared to 
raise their heads, and their firing was soon silenced. During 
the attack our part of the line suffered no loss. While occupy- 
ing these works, it was discovered that the gun of the enemy 
that annoyeH us most zvas quite near a large building covered 
with Red Cross flags. 

During the truce all of our dead were located and buried. 
It was sad, indeed, to see the vultures swarming like flies, 
when we knew so well their prey. 

Though prepared to, several time.-, no shots were exchanged 
after July ii, and all was quiet until date of capitulation. The 
hardest rain ever witnessed, accompanied by terrific thunder 
and lightning, was on the last day of the engagement. 
Trenches were flooded and everything appeared as a sea. 

July 17, at 9 A. M., the regiment, with the remainder of the 
army, was assembled over the trenches to witness the formal 
surrender of General Toral, with the Spanish forces. Owing 
to the dense tropical growth, and its similarity in color to 
their clothing, little or nothing could be seen, beyond the straw 
hats of the Dons, as they marched through the jungles. At 
12 M., we were again placed in the same position, to salute 
"Old Glory" as she ascended over the Governor's palace in the 
city, which was told by Capron's battery U. S. Artillery. At 
the first shot, every individual tested his lungs to their fullest 
capacity, bands of music playing national airs. 

Spanish soldiers were soon over our lines, trading off swords 
wine, cigarettes and trinkets for hard tack and bacon. Thi> 
soon ended, as there were positive orders against our fraterniz- 
ing. The Spaniards were a fine looking lot of young men; 
though generally small in stature, and were very neat and 
cleant considering. The officer? were an intelligent and digni- 



2 7$ REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 

fied looking set. The Dons were away ahead on ammunition, 
and away behind on eatables. A few musty, hard tack, thrown 
in our trenches, were devoured like so much fresh beef, by so 
many hungry wolves. 

Campaigning in the tropici entails many hardships, though 
unavoidable and only to be expected, in war. War is horrible 
in any aspect in which it may be viewed. Even those features 
of it intended to be merciful, are full of harshness and rigor; 
and after all, fighting is the easiest part. 

As the capitulation was complete, and Santiago was our's. 
we were ordered to change camp to a more healthful locality, 
with a view to allowing the men to recuperate. While en route 
nany refugees were met returning to the city, men and wo- 
■'len, with the scantiest clothing imaginable; large children 
even worse — in a nude state — all were making signs for some- 
thing to eat. 

In passing through El Caney, filth of all descriptions was 
piled up in the streets; stock was seen standing inside dwell- 
ings with occupants; young and old were emaciated — walk- 
ing skeletons; children with stomachs bloated to thrice their 
natural size — due to the unsanitary condition of the huts, so 
1 was informed. 

The bare facts are, that "half has never been told" regard- 
ing the true condition of the Cubans, and it is truly a God- 
send that "Uncle Sam" was not delayed another day in letting 
the Don's breathe a little of nature's sweetest fragrance of the 
nineteenth century — Civilization. 

The portion of the island I saw appears to be a beautiful 
park deserted, and laid waste by the lavish application of the 
torch for many years. Magnificent mansions, or dwellings, in 
ruins; habitation scant, except near towns. 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 279 

There were no domestic animals, except a few for saddle 
purposes, nor were there crops to be seen. No use whatever 
appears to be made of the luxuriant pasturage and rich fields. 
Sugar houses and sheds on plantations are in a state of decay, 
and the huge kettles for boiling deeply coated with rust. 

The climate of Cuba offers all the essentials, heat, moisture 
and organic matter, for the development of germ life in its 
most active form. 

The great heat and moisture, so excellent for the develop- 
ment of infected wounds, and for the rapid decomposing of the 
heavy undergrowth cannot, I believe, be exceeded anywhere. 

The frequent tropical showers, invariably followed by a hot 
steam, along with which germs seem to flioat; the consequent 
exposure of the men to that glaring heat and moisture, low- 
ered the general tone of the system so that they were especially 
liable to attacks of miasmatic diseases (malarial and typhoid 
fevers and dysentery.) 

Owing to the dense humidity, clothing does not dry so long 
as it remains on the person, but nuist be removed, a condition 
that was absolutely impossible for many days on the field be- 
fore Santiago. To this alone, much of our sickness may be 

attributed. 

Our new camp, pitched on the eminence of El Caney, about 
one and one-half miles from the village, overlooking the city 
and bav of Santiago, with its excellent water, shade, grass, 
and increased comforts, which were daily shipped from our 
transports, presented a <rcene far more conciliatory than h.id 
been witnessed about the Tenth Horse for many days. 



28o 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 



MEDALS OF HONOR AND CERTIFICATES 

MERIT GRANTED TO COLORED SOLDIERS 

FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICES IN 

THE CUBAN CAMPAIGN. 

OFFICIAL. 

MEDALS OF HONOR. 



OF 



Isame. 


Rank Regiment. Troop or Co. 


Remarks. 


Bell, Dennis 


Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop H. 


For 


fallantrv in action at 


Lee, Fitz 


Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop M. 


TMv.-iharnH. Cuba. 


Tompkins, Wm. H. 


Pvt. 10th Cav. Troop M. 




June 30, 1898. 


Wanton, Geo. H. 


?vt. 10th Cav. Troop M. 








CERTIFICATES OF MERIT. 




Name. 


Rank. 


Regiment. 


Troop or Co. i 


Remarks. 


Bates, James 


Pvt. 


9th Cav. Troop H. 




Crosby, Scott 


Pvt. 


•J4*h Inf. jComp. A. 




Davis, Edward 


Pvt. 1 


9th Cav. jTroop H. | 




Elliott, J. 


Sergt. 1 


10th Cav. Troop D. i 




Fasit, Benjamin 


Sergt. 


10th Cav. 


Troop E. 




Gaither, O. 


Q.M. Sergt 


10th Cav. 


Troop E. 




Goff, G. W. 


Sergt. 


9th Cav. Troop B. 




Graham, J. 


Sergt. 


10th Cav. 


Troop E. 




Hagen, Abram 


Corp. 


•_'4th Inf. 


Comp. G. 




Herbert, H. T. 


Corp. 


10th Cav. 


Troop E. 




Houston, Adam 


1st Sergt. 


10th Cav. 


Troop C. 




Jackson, J. 


1st Sergt. 


9th Cav. 


Troop C. 




Jackson, Elislia 


Sergt. 


9th Cav. 


Troop H. 




Ja ksou, Peter 


Corp. 


21th Inf. 


Comp. G. 




Jeflerson, C- W. 


1st Sergt. 


9th Cav. 


Troop B. 




McCoun, P. 


1st Sergt. 


lOth Cav. Troop E. 




Moore, Loney 


Pvt. 


24th Inf. Comp. A. 




Oden, Oscar 
Payne, Vvilliam 


; Musician 
.Sergt. 


10th Cav - 




J.V./LJ-J. V_/M( V • 

10th Cav. 


Troop E. 




Pumphrey, Geo. W 


Corp. 


9th Cav. 


Troop H. 




Satcheil, James 


,Se gt. 


24th Inf. 


Comp. A. 




Smith, L. 


Pvt. 


10th Cav. 


Troop D. 




Thornton, William 


Corp. 


24th Inf. 


Comp. G. 




Walker, J. 


Corp. 


10th Cav. 


Troop D. 




Williams, John T. 


;Sergt. 


24th Inf. 


Comp. G. 




Williams, li. 


Corp. 


24th Inf. 


Comp. B. 





Besides the Certificates of Merit and Medals of Honor, 
mentioned above, and the promotions to commissions in the 
volunteer services, there were some instances of promotion to 



REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 



2St 



non-commissioned officers' positions of men in the ranks or 
junior grade for conspicuous gallantry. Notably among such 
were Benjamin F. Sayre, of the Twenty-fourth, promoted to 
Sergeant-Major for gallantry at San Juan, and Private James 
\\\ Peniston, of the Tenth Cavalry, promoted to Squadron 
Sergeant-Major for conspicuous bravery at Las Guasimas. 
Others there may be whose names are not available at this 
time. 



282 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 



CHAPTER XI. 



THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS. 

The Ninth Ohio Battalion — Eighth Illinois — Twenty-third Kansas- 
Third North Carolina — Sixth Virginia — Third Alabama — The Im- 
munes. 

The return of the army and the repatriation of the Spanish 
army from Cuba, brought before the country for immediate 
sokition the problem of garrisoning that island ; and in a very 
short time the question of similar nature regarding Porto 
Rico. Ten regiments of immunes had been organized in the 
volunteer service partly in anticipation of such a situation. 
Four of these regiments were composed of colored enlisted 
men. The regiments were classed as United States Volunteer 
Infantry, and were numbered from one to ten, the Seventh, 
Eighth, Ninth and Tenth being colored. 

Of these four colored regiments the officers above first lieu- 
tenants were white men, except the chaplains, and in some 
cases the surgeons. Very little care had been taken in enlist- 
ing the men, as it was important to get the regiments in the 
field as soon as possible; yet of them as a whole General 
Breckinridge, Inspector-General, speaks as follows: "The 
colored regiments of immunes, so called, raised for this war, 
have turned out, so far a^ can be judged from their camp life 
(as none of them have been in any actual campaign), very 
satisfactory. The regular colored regiments won golden opin- 
ions in battle. The experiment of having so many colored offi- 
cers has not yet shown its full results. Certainly we should 
have the best obtainable officers for our volunteers, and there- 



THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 283 

fore some such men as Colonel Young-, who is a graduate of 
the Military Academy at West Point, whether white or black, 
must be sought for." 

Besides these four colored regiments of immunes, so-called, 
there were other State organizations composed entirely of 
colored men, mustered into the United States service, as for 
example the Ninth Battalion of the Ohio National Guard. 
This organization was composed of four companies, with col- 
ored captains and lieutenants, the staff officers also being col- 
ored, the commanding officer of the battalion being Major 
Young, who was a first lieutenant in the Regular Army, a 
graduate from the Military Academy, and an officer of ex- 
perience. He is the person referred to as Colonel Young by 
General Breckinridge, cited just above. This battalion, al- 
though not permitted to do any active campaigning, main- 
tained itself well. in that most trying of all duties for raw 
troops — camp duty — winning a good record in the South as 
well as in the North, having been stationed in Virginia, Penn- 
sylvania and lastly in South Carolina; from which latter 
place it was mustered out, and the men proceeded to their 
homes in an orderly manner, reflecting credit upon themselves 
and the officers under whom they had served. This organiza- 
tion is mentioned first, because it was the only one of its kind 
commanded by a Regular Army officer, and a man who had 
received scientific military training.* 

Two of these volunteer regiments, the Eighth Illinois and 
the Twenty-third Kansas, reached Cuba and made history 
there, in garrison service, coming in direct contact with the 
Ninth Immunes, and in no sense suffering in comparison there- 

*See "Outline History of the Ninth (Separate) Battalion Ohio Volun- 
teer Infantry," by the Battalion Adjutant. Lieutenant Nelson Ballard, 
following the close of this chapter. 



284 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 

to. The Eighth Illinois being the first to go to the front, in a 
sense deserves to be noticed here first. This remarkable regi- 
ment was developed out of the Ninth Battalion, Illinois Na- 
tional Guard, and owes its origin to the persistent efforts of 
Messrs. John R. Marshall, Robert R. Jackson, Franklin Den- 
nison, E. H. Wright, Rev. R. C. Ransom, Rev. J. W. Thomas, 
S. B. Turner and doubtless many others whose names do not 
appear. These gentlemen named called upon the Governor of 
their State the next day after the President had issued his 
call for 175,000 volunteers, and received from that official the 
assurance that if another call should be made they should have 
the opportunity to recruit their battalion to a regiment, and 
that he would "call that regiment first into the service," and 
"that every officer in that regiment will be a colored man." 

After receiving this encouragement, the leaders began at 
once the work of organizing and recruiting, and when the 
second call came. May 25th, the regiment was well under way, 
and soon ready to go into camp to prepare for service. On 
June 30th it assembled in Springfield from the following 
places : Seven hundred men from Chicago ; one hundred and 
twenty from Cairo ; a full company from Quincy, and smaller 
numbers from Mound City, Metropolis and Litchfield, and 
nearly a company from Springfield. The regiment was sworn 
in during the latter half of July, the muster roll showing 
1,195 men and 46 officers, every one of whom was of African 
descent except one private in a Chicago company. 

Of these forty-six officers, ten had received college educa- 
tion, six were lawyers, and the others were educated in the 
public schools, or had served in the Regular Army as non-com- 
missioned officers. Many of them were directly from Illinois, 
that is in the sense of having been born and reared in the 



THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 285 

State, and were fully accustomed to the full exercise of their 
rights as men and citizens. In character and intelligence the 
official element of the Eighth was about up to the standard of 
the volunteer army, as events subsequently proved. 

Going into camp with the Ninth, white, this latter reigment, 
early in August, received an order to move to a Southern 
camp en route for Cuba, leaving the Eighth behind, greatly to 
the chagrin of both officers and men. Governor Tanner was 
evidently disturbed by this move, and expressed himself in the 
following language : "Even from the very doors of the White 
House have I received letters asking and advising me not to 
officer this regiment with colored men, but I promised to do so, 
and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see this regiment 
— my regnnent — on the soil of Cuba, battling for the right and 
for its kinsmen." 

Later the misfortunes of the First Illinois proved the op- 
portunity of the Eighth. This regiment was in Cuba, suffer- 
ing terribly with the fever, the men going down under its 
effects so rapidly that the Colonel in command implored Gov- 
ernor Tanner "to use all influence at Washington to secure 
the immediate recall of the First Illinois." When the Gover- 
nor received this message he sent for Colonel :Marshall. of the 
Eighth, and asked him to ascertain the sentiments of the offi- 
cers and men of his regiment in regard to being sent to re- 
lieve the First. On the 4th day of August Colonel Marshall 
was able to send to Washington the following dispatch : 
"H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General :— 

"I called the officers of the Eighth Illinois, colored, in con- 
ference and they are unanimously and enthusiastically in favor 
of being sent to relieve the First Illinois at Santiago." 

To this hearty dispatch came the following reply : 

"The Secretary of War appreciates very much the offer of 
the Eighth Illinois Volunteer Infantry for duty in Santiago, 



286 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 

and has directed that the regiment be sent there by steamer 
Yale, leaving New York next Tuesday. The main trouble 
with our troops now in Cuba is that they are suffering from 
exhaustion and exposure incident to one of the most trying 
campaigns to which soldiers have ever been subjected." 

"H. C. CORBIN, 
''Adjutant-General." 

This action on the part of the regiment is said to have so 
pleased the President that on hearing it he declared it was the 
proudest moment of his life. 

On the 9th of August the regiment left Springfield, and 
in passing through Illinois and Ohio was greeted with the most 
generous enthusiasm, the people supplying the men with free 
lunches at every station. This was the period when the sym- 
pathy of the whole country was turned toward the colored sol- 
dier in consequence of the reports of valor and heroism that 
had been circulated concerning the black regulars. On the 
afternoon of the nth the Yale cast off her lines, and with the 
first American Negro regiment that the world has ever seen, 
steamed out of New York harbor amid the ringing of bells 
and shrieks of steam whistles, and four days later, August 15, 
landed in Cuba. The regiment remained in Cuba until March 
10, perfoming garrison duty so well that General Brecken- 
ridge said it was "as fine a volunteer regiment as was ever 
mustered into the service," and that it was "a shame to mus- 
ter out of service such an excellent regiment." 

The Twenty-third Kansas, made up in that State and offi- 
cered as was the Eighth Illinois, by men of the same race, with 
the enlisted men, arrived in Cuba August 30, and in company 
with the Eighth Illinois Regiment, was stationed in the coun- 
try about San Luis, with headquarters at that place. Colonel 
Marshall, of the Illinois Regiment, serving as commander of 
the post, and also as Governor of the Province of San Luis. 



THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 2S7 

A detachment of the IlHnois Regiment, under command of 
Major Jackson, was sent to Pahna iforiana, and did excellent 
work there in the preservation of order between the Cubans 
and Spaniards, who were living together in that place in out- 
ward peace but in secret resentful hostility. Major Jackson 
managed affairs so well that both parties came to admire him, 
and when he was called away expressed their regret. Captain 
Roots, who commanded the post after the departure of Major 
Jackson, was equally fortunate, especially with the Cubans, 
and when it was thought his command was to be removed, the 
citizens generally united in a petition to the General com- 
manding, asking that both the Captain and his command might 
remain in the city. The fact is also noted by the chroniclers 
of the regiment that several marriages took place in Palma 
Soriana between soldiers of the Eighth Illinois and Cuban 
maidens. 

The Eighth Regiment was finally settled in San Luis, oc- 
cupying the old Spanish barracks and arsenal, and under Col- 
onel Marshall's supervision the city was put in fine sanitary 
condition, streets and yards being carefully policed; mean- 
while under the reign of order and peace which the Colonel's 
just methods established, confidence prevailed, business re- 
vived and the stagnation which had so long hung like a fog 
over the little city, departed, and in its stead came an era of 
bustling activity. 

All was peaceful and prosperous, both with the citizens and 
the garrison, until the Ninth United States Volunteers came 
in the vicinity. Then a difficulty sprang up in which both regi- 
ments became involved, although it was in no sense serious 
but it afforded a pretext for the removal of the Eighth Illinois 
from the city. The event turned out all the better for the 



288 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 

Eighth, as it enabled them to establish Camp Marshall, about 
three miles from the city, in a healthy neighborhood, where 
they remained until ordered home to be mustered out. The 
regiment came back to Chicago in fine condition and was ten- 
dered an enthusiastic welcome by that great city. Thus two 
entire regiments represented the country abroad in this, its 
first, foreign war with a European power. 

It should also be recorded that although the Ninth United 
States Volunteers was composed of persons who were classed 
as immune, and had come chiefly from Louisiana, and not- 
withstanding that the officers of the regiment above lieuten- 
ants were white men, and the colonel an officer of the Regular 
Army of long experience, and was specially praised by so 
good a sanitarian as General Wood for having been constant 
and untiring in his efforts to look after the welfare of his 
men, and that the surgeons of the regiment were white men, 
that deaths among the colored men numbered one ofiicer and 
seventy-three enlisted men. In striking contrast with this rec- 
ord of the immune regiment is that of the Eighth Illinois, 
which was made up entirely of residents of that State and offi- 
cered throughout by colored men. Its medical officers were 
men of high character, and its losses by death were just 
twenty, or but little over one-fourth the number that occurred 
in the immune regiment. An efficient auxiliary society to 
this regiment was formed of colored ladies of Chicago who 
forwarded to the sick in Cuba more than six hundred dol- 
lars worth of well chosen supplies, which did much for the 
comfort of those in the hospital ; but this would not account 
for the great difference in the death rate of the two regi- 
ments. Though not immune, the Eighth Illinois fared very 
much better than the so-called immune regiment, although 



THE COLORED V0LUNT2ERS 2S9 

the latter had the benefit of white oflkers. The ex[)ericiicc 
of the Twenty-third Kansas did not differ in any important 
respect from that of the Eighth IHinois. Both regiments re- 
turned to their homes in March, 1899, and were mustered out 
of the service, leaving behind them good records for efficiency. 

The Sixth Virginia Regiment consisted of eight companies 
and was under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Richard C. 
Croxton, of the Regular Army, white, with Majors J. B. 
Johnson and W. H. Johnson, colored. It was mustered into 
service during the latter part of the summer and went into 
camp near Knoxville, Tennessee. Plere an order came from 
Corps Headquarters, at Lexington, Kentucky, directing that 
nine of the officers, including one major, should appear be- 
fore a board of examiners in order to give evidence of their 
fitness to command. The officers named, regarding this as un- 
called for, immediately tendered their resignations. The va- 
cancies thus created were filled by the Governor of the State, 
the appointees being white men. These white officers on ar- 
riving at the camp and finding themselves unwelcome, im- 
mediately followed in the wake of their colored predecessors, 
and tendered their resignations. 

The difficulties arising from this friction were scmik'Ik.xn :■<!- 
justed, but in what manner the reports available at this time 
do not show. Moving to I^Lacon, Georgia, the regiment re- 
mained in the service until some time in the winter, when it 
was mustered out. ]\Iuch was said by the local papers to the 
detriment of the men composing this regiment. Init viewing 
their action from the standpoint of the civilian and citizen, it 
does not appear reprehensible. They had volunteered with 
the understanding that their own officers, officers with whom 
they were well acquainted, and in whose friendship they held 

19 



290 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 

a place, should command them, and when they saw these offi- 
cers displaced and white strangers put in their stead, they felt 
a pardonable indignation, and took their own way of express- 
ing it. As soldiers, their conduct in resisting authority, can- 
not be commended. 

The Third North Carolina "N/olunteer Infantry was or- 
ganized as were the regiments of Illinois and Kansas, above 
described. The officers of the North Carolina Regiment were 
all colored men of that State and were men of character and 
note. Its commanding officer, Colonel Young, had held re- 
sponsible positions under both State and National Govern- 
ments, had been editor of a paper and member of the State 
Legislature and Major in the State militia. In character, he 
was above reproach, being a strict teetotaler and not even 
using tobacco. The regiment made a good record, but did not 
see any active service. 

A peculiar regiment was organized in Alabama, known as 
the Third Alabama Volunteer Infantry, in which the enlisted 
men were all colored and the officers all white. The regiment 
saw no service and attracted no attention outside of its im- 
mediate locality. 

Two companies of colored men with colored captains were 
also mustered into the United States service from Indiana, 
and finally attached to Colonel Huggins' command, although 
not becoming a part of his regiment, the Eighth Immunes. 
They were stationed at Fort Thomas, Ky., and at Chicka- 
mauga, and were mustered out early. Their officers were men 
of intelligence who had acquired experience by several years' 
service in the militia, and the companies were exceptionally 
well drilled. They were designated Companies A and B and 
were commanded by Captains Porter and Buckner, with Lieu- 
tenant Thomas as Quartermaster. 



THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 29I 

The organization of the four immune regiments, ah-cady 
mentioned, gave opportunity for ninety-six colored men to 
obtain commissions as Heutenants. A few of these positions 
were seized upon by influential young white men, wiio held 
them, but with no intention of ever serving in the regiments, 
as they found stafif positions much more congenial to their 
tastes. The colored men who were appointed lieutenants in 
these regiments v.-ere generally either young men of ability 
and influence who had assisted in getting up their companies, 
and who in many cases had received some elementary military 
instruction as cadets in school, or men who had distinguished 
themselves by efficiency or gallantry in the Regular Army. 
Some exceptions there were, of course, and a few receivetl 
commissions in consequence of personal friendship and politi- 
cal considerations. Before these regiments were mustered out 
of the service about one-half of the lieutenants were men from 
the Regular Army. 

I am sure the reader will be pleased to learn that Sergeants 
Foster, Buck and Givens. whose deeds in Cuba have already 
been related, were rewarded with commissions, and that the 
gallant Thomas C. Butler, who rushed forward from his com- 
pany's line and seized the Spanish standard at El Caney, was 
afterward permitted to serve in Cuba with the rank of a com- 
missioned officer. Besides those named above, there were 
others also of marked ability and very respectable attainments 
who received commissions on general merit, as well as for gal- 
lantry. Chief among the class promoted for efficiency was 
First Lieutenant James R. Gillespie, formerly Post Quarter- 
master-Sergeant. Gillespie had served several years in the 
Tenth Cavalry and had proved himself an excellent soidicr. 
Both in horsemanship and as marksman he was up to the 



292 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 

standard, while his character and business quaHfications were 
such as to secure for him a staff position of responsibiHty. As 
Quartermaster-Sergeant he held positions of important posts 
and filled them with great satisfaction. Because of his effi- 
ciency as a soldier he was given a commission as First Lieu- 
tenant and executed the duties of his office with the same 
ability that had marked his career as an enlisted man. From 
the Tenth Cavalry also came First Lieutenant Baker, whose 
commission was a tribute to his fidelity and efficiency. A sol- 
dier of high type he bore his commission and its honors as 
worthily as any son of our Republic. In the same category 
must be placed First Lieutenant Wm. McBryer, formerly Ser- 
geant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry. McBryer had served in 
the Tenth Cavalry and had won a Medal of Honor in conflict 
with the Indians. Lie was a soldier distinguished by strength 
3f character, prompt executiveness, quick decision and cour- 
age. He was also possessed of considerable literary skill, was 
a good speaker and attractive writer, and a man of fine parts. 
He was a valuable acquisition to the volunteer service and 
w'ould have made a fine captain. 

Of the colored sergeants from the Regular Army who were 
given commissions in the volunteer service it would not be ex- 
travagant to say that all were men of worth, well-tried in the 
service, and there was scarcely one of them but could have 
successfully commanded a company. Lieutenant A. J. Smith, 
formerly First Sergeant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry, was so 
well informed in the paper work of the army and in com- 
pany administration particularly that he was regarded as an 
authority, and he was so well experienced in the whole life of 
a soldier, in camp, field, garrison and in battle, that it would 
have been difficult to find his superior in the army. To the 



THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 293 

credit of all of the enlisted men of the Regular Army referred 
to, who received commissions in the volunteer service, all 
served honorably and were mustered out without bringing any 
scandal of any sort upon the service. 

The colored volunteers in the service acquitted themselves 
as well as the average volunteer, and when mustered out pro- 
ceeded to their homes about as others did. The treatment ac- 
corded them in some of the Southern cities, especially in 
Nashville, Tennessee, did not speak well for the loyalty of that 
section, nor was it such as might reasonably be expected from 
a people who had fared so well in the offices and honors of the 
short war. From the best sources available, it seems incum- 
bent to say that the many charges alleged against the colored 
volunteers for excessive rioting and disorder were without 
proper foundation, and the assaults made upon them unjus- 
tifiable and cruel. The spirit of the assailants is best seen 
from a description of the attack made upon the unarmed dis- 
charged soldiers of the Eighth Immuners in Nashville, already 
alluded to. This description was made by the sheriff who 
participated in the brutality. An officer who was on the 
train, and who was asleep at the time, when aroused went into 
the car where the men were and found that they had been 
beaten and robbed, and in some instances their discharges 
taken from them and torn up. and their weapons and money 
taken from them by citizens. It was about one o'clock A. M. 
and the men were generally asleep when attacked. The sheriff 
gloats over it in language which ought not be allowed to dis- 
appear: 

"It was the best piece of work I ever witnessed. The police 
went to the depot, not armed with the regulation 'billy.' but 
carrying stout hickorv clubs about two and one-half feet long. 



294 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 

Their idea was that a mahogany or lignum vitae billy was too 
costly a weapon to be broken over a Negro's head. The police 
were on board the train before it stopped even, and the way 
they went for the Negroes was inspiring. The police tolerated 
no impudence, much less rowdyism, from the Negroes, and if 
a darky even looked mad, it was enough for some policeman 
to bend his club double over his head. In fact after the police 
finished with them they were the meekest, mildest, most polite 
set of colored men I ever saw." This language is respectfully 
dedicated to the memory of the proud city of Nashville, and 
presents to the readers the portrait of her police. 

Despite this vile treatment, the colored soldier went on to 
his home, ready again to respond to his country's call, and to 
rally to the defence of his country's fiag, and, incidentally, 
to the preservation of the lives and homes of the misguided, 
heartless beings who can delight in his sufferings. The 
hickory club belongs to one sort of warrior; the rifle to quite 
another. The club and rifle represent different grades of civi- 
lization. The Negro has left the club; the language from 
Nashville does honor to the club. Billy and bully are the 
theme of this officer of the law, and for a ''darkey even to look 
mad" is ample justification for "some policeman to bend his 
club double over his head." Were these policemen rioters? 
Or were they conservaters of the peace? Judge ye! 



OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 295 

OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE NINTH (SEPARATE) 
BATTALION, OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY. 



By the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Wilson Ballard. 

The Ninth Battalion, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, the only col- 
ored organization from Ohio in the Volunteer Army during 
the war with Spain, was, previous to the date of its muster 
into the United States service, known as the Ninth Battalion, 
Ohio National Guard. April 25th, 1898, the battalion, con- 
sisting of three companies, A from Springfield, under Captain 
R. R. Rudd; B from Columbus, under Captain James Hop- 
kins, and C from Xenia, under Captain Harry H. Robinson, 
was ordered into camp at Columbus, Ohio. The battalion was 
under the command of Major Charles Fillmore. 

May 14, 1898, the battalion was mustered into the volunteer 
service by Captain Rockefeller, U. S. A. Lieutenant Charles 
Young, U. S. A., then on duty at Wilberforce University, 
Wilberforce, Ohio, as professor of military science and tactics, 
was commissioned by Governor Bushnell as Major command- 
ing the Ninth Battalion, O. V. I., relieving Major Fillmore. 
In order to enable Lieutenant Young to accept his volunteer 
commission, he was granted an indefinite leave of absence by 
the War Department. 

May 19, 1898, the command having been ordered to join 
the Second Army Corps at Camp Russell A. Alger, near Falls 
Church, Va., left Camp Bushnell and arrived at Camp Alger 
May 21. 1898. 

When Major-General Graham assumed command of the 
Second Army Corps and organized it into divisions, the bat- 
talion was placed in the provisional division. In June (ex- 
act date not remembered) the battalion was placed in the 
Second Brigade. Second Division, being brigaded with the 
Twelfth" Pennsvlvania and Seventh Illinois Regiments. The 
battalion was relieved from the Second Brigade. Second Divis- 
ion and placed in the Second Brigade. First Division, bein- 
brigaded with the Eighth Ohio and Sixth Massachusetts. 

A New Jersey regiment was relieved from duty as corps 



296 OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 

headquarters' guard late in June and the Ninth Battalion as- 
signed to that duty. The battalion performed this duty until 
it was ordered South from Camp Meade, Penn., when it be- 
came separated from corps headquarters. Important outposts, 
such as the entrance to Falls Church and the guarding of the 
citizens' gardens and property, were under the charge of the 
command. 

When General Garretson's brigade (Second Brigade, Firs: 
Division, consisting of the Eighth Ohio, Ninth Battalion and 
Sixth Massachusetts) was ordered to Cuba, General Graham, 
thinking that his entire Army Corps would soon be ordered to 
active service, requested the War Department, as the battalion 
was his headquarters guard, to let the battalion remain with 
him. (See telegrams Gen. Graham's report to the Secretary 
of War.) General Graham's request being honored by the de- 
partment, the battalion was deprived of this chance of seeing 
active service in foreign fields. The battalion was then at- 
tached to the Second Brigade. Second Division, under Brig- 
adier-General Plummer, being brigaded with the First New 
Jersey, Sixty-fifth New York and Seventh Ohio. 

In July the battalion was relieved from this brigade and 
attached directly to corps headquarters. When the Second 
Army Corps was ordered to Camp Meade, Penna., the bat- 
talion was one of the first to break camp, going with corps 
headquarters. The battalion left Camp R. A. Alger August 
15, 1898, and arrived in camp at Camp George G. Meade, 
near Middletown, Penna., August 16, 1898. In camp the bat- 
talion occupied a position with the signal and ensfineer corps 
and hospital, near corps headquarters. 

When the Peace Jubilee was held in Philadelphia, the bat- 
talion was one of the representative commands from the Sec- 
ond Army Corps, being given the place of honor in the corps 
in the parade, following immediately General Graham and 
staff. When the corps was ordered South the battalion was 
assigned to the Second Brigade under Brigadier-General 
Ames. The battalion left Camp Meade November 17. Up to 
this time it had done the guard duty of corps headquarters 
and was complimented for its efficient w^ork by the com- 



OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 



297 



mcinding- general. The battalion arrived in Summerville, S. 
C, November 21, 1898. It was brigaded with the Fourteenth 
Pennsylvania and Third Connecticut. 

When the battalion arrived in the South the white citizens 
were not at all favorably disposed toward colored soldiers, 
and it must be said that the reception was not cordial. But 
by their orderly conduct and soldierly behavior the men 
soon won the respect of all, and the battalion was well treated 
before it left. November 28-29 ]Major Philip Reade, Inspec- 
tor General First Division, Second Army Corps, inspected the 
Ninth Battalion, beginning his duties in that brigade with this 
inspection. He complimented the battalion for its work botli 
from a practical and theoretical standpoint. Coming to the 
Fourteenth Pennsylvania he required them to go through cer- 
tain movements in the extended order drill which not being 
done entirely to his satisfaction, he sent his orderly to the 
commanding officer of the Ninth Battalion, requesting him to 
have his command on the drill ground at once. The battalion 
fell in and marched to the ground and when presented to the 
Inspector orders were given for it to go through with cer- 
tain movements in the extended order drill in the presence of 
the Pennsylvania regiment. This done, the Inspector dis- 
missed the battalion, highly complimenting Major Young on 
the efficiency of his command. Just after the visit of the In- 
spector General, General S. B. M. Young, commanding the 
Second Army Corps, visited Camp Marion. Orders were sent 
to Major Young one morning to have his battalion fall in at 
once, as the General desired to have them drill. By his com- 
mand the battalion went through the setting-up exercises and 
battalion drill in close and extended order. The General was 
so well pleased with the drill that the battalion was exempted 
from all work during the remainder of the day. 

The battalion was ordered to be mustered out January 29. 
1899. Lieutenant Geo. W. Van Deusen. First Artillery, who 
was detailed to muster out the command, hardly spent fifteen 
minute? in the camp. Major Young had been detailed As- 
sistant Commissary of Musters and signed all discharges for 



298 



OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 



the Ninth Battalion, except for the field and staff, which were 
signed by Lieutenant Van Deusen. The companies left for 
their respective cities the same night they were paid. Major 
Bullis was the paymaster. 




COLORED OFFICERS 299 



CHAPTER XIJ. 



COLORED OFFICERS. 



By Captain Frank R. Steward, A. B., LL. B., Harvard, Forty-ninih 
U. S. Volunteer Infantry — Appendix. 

Of all the avenues open to American citizenship the com- 
missioned ranks of the army and navy have been the stubborn- 
est to yield to the newly enfranchised. Colored men have 
filled almost every kind of public office or trust save the Chief 
Magistracy. They have been members of both Houses of 
Congress, and are employed in all the executive branches of 
the Government, but no Negro has as yet succeeded in invad- 
ing the commissioned force of the navy, and his advance in 
the army has been exceedingly slight. Since the war, as has 
been related, but three Negroes have been graduated from the 
National Military Academy at West Point ; of these one was 
speedily crowded out of the service; another reached the grade 
of First Lieutenant and died untimely; the third. First Lieu- 
tenant Charles Young, late Major of the 9th Ohio Battalion, 
U. S. Volunteers, together with four colored Chaplains, con- 
stitute the sole colored commissioned force of our Regular 
Army, 

Although Negroes fought in large numbers in both the 
Revolution and the War of 18 12, there is no instance of any 
Negro attaining or exercising the rank of commissioned offi- 
cer. It is a curious bit of history, however, that in the Civil 
War those who were fighting to keep colored men enslaved 
were the first to commission colored officers. In Louisiana 



300 COLORED OFFICERS 

but a few days after the outbreak of the war, the free col- 
ored population of New Orleans organized a military organi- 
zation, called the ''Native Guard," which was accepted into 
the service of the State and its officers were duly commis- 
sioned by the Governor.* 

These Negro soldiers were the first to welcome General 
Butler when he entered New Orleans, and the fact of the or- 
ganization of the "Native Guard" by the Confederates was 
used by General Butler as the basis for the organization of 
three colored regiments of "Native Guards," all the line offi- 
cers of which were colored men. Governor Pinchback, who 
was a captain in one of these regiments, tells the fate of these 
early colored officers . 

^Headquarters Department of the Gulf, 

New Orleans, August 22, 1862. 
General Orders No. 63. 

"Whereas, on the 23d day of April, in the year eighteen hundred and 
sixty-one, at a public meeting of the free colored population of the city 
of New Orleans, a military organization, known as the 'Native Guards* 
(colored), had its existence, which military organization was duly and 
legally enrolled as a part of the militia of the State, its ofScers being 
commissioned by Thomas O. Moore, Governor and Commander-in- 
Chief of the militia of the State of Louisiana, in the form following, 
that is to say: 

The State of Louisiana. 

(Seal of the State.) 

By Thomas Overton Moore, Governor of the State of Louisiana, 
and commander-in-chief of the militia thereof. 

" 'In the name and by the authority of the State of Louisiana: Know 

ye that , having been duly and legally elected captain of the 

"Native Guards" (colored), first division of the Militia of Louisiana, 
to serve for the term of the war, 

" 'I do hereby appoint and commission him captain as aforesaid, to 
take rank as such, from the 2d day of May, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
one. 

" 'He is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of 
his office by doing and performing all manner of things thereto belong- 
ing. And I do strictly charge and require all officers, non-commissioned 
officers and privates under his command to be obedient to his orders as 
captain; and he is to observe and follow such orders and directions, 
from time to time, as he shall receive from me, or the future Governor 



COLORED OFFICERS 



301 



"There were," he writes, "in New Orleans some colored 
soldiers known as 'Native Guards' before the arrival of the 
Federal soldiers, but I do not know much about them. It was 
a knowledge of this fact that induced General Butler, then in 
command of the Department of the Gulf, to organize three 
regiments of colored soldiers, viz: The First, Second and 
Third Regiments of Native Guards. 

^The First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel 
Stafford commanding, with all the field officers white, and a 
full complement of line officers (30) colored, was mustered 
into service at New Orleans September 2"], 1862, for three 
years. Soon after General Banks took command of the de- 
partment and changed the designation of the regiment to 
First Infantry, Corps d'Afrique. April 4th, 1864, Jt was 
changed again to Seventy-third United States Colored In- 
fantry. 

of the State of Louisiana, or other superior officers, according to the 
Rules and Articles of War, and in conformity to law. 

" 'In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made 
patent, and the seal of the State to be hereunto annexed. 

" 'Given under my hand, at the city of Baton Rouge, on the second 
day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-one. 

(L. S.) (Signed) THOS. O. MOORE. 



" 'By the Governor: 



(Signed) P. D. HARDV. 

Secretary of State. 



(Wilson: Black Phalanx, p. 194.) 

*"On the 23d of November, 1861, there was a grand review of the 
Confederate troops stationed at New Orleans. An Associated Press 
despatch announced that the line was seven miles long. The feature of 
the review, however, was one regiment of fourtoe.i liundrcd free colored 
men. Another grand review followed the next spring, and on the ap- 
pearance of rebel negroes a local paper made the following comment: 

" 'We must also pay a deserved compliment to the companies of free 
colored men, all very well drilled and comfortably uniformed. Most 
of these companies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied 
themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble. On the same 
day one of these negro companies was presented with a flag, and every 
evidence of public approbation was manifest.' " 

(Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 83-4.. 



302 COLORED OFFICERS 

"The Second Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel N. 
W. Daniels and Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, white, and Major 
Francis E. Dumas, colored, and all the line officers colored ex- 
cept one Second Lieutenant, was mustered into service for 
three years, October 12, 1862. General Banks changed its 
designation to Second Infantry Corps d' AfricLue, June 6, 1863, 
and April 6, 1864, it was changed to Second United States 
Colored Troops. Finally it was consolidated with the Ninety- 
first as the Seventy-fourth Colored Infantry, and mustered out 
October 11, 1865. 

"The Third Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, with 
Colonel Nelson and all field officers white, and all line offi- 
cers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans 
for three years, November 24, 1862. Its designation went 
through the same changes as the others at the same dates, and 
it was mustered out November 25, 1865, as the Seventy-fifth 
Colored Infantry. 

"Soon after the organization of the Third Regiment, trouble 
for the colored officers began, and the department began a sys- 
tematic effort to get rid of them. A board of examiners was 
appointed and all COLORED officers of the Third Regiment 
were ordered before it. They refused to obey the order and 
tendered their resignations in a body. The resignations were 
accepted and that was the beginning of the end. Like action 
with the same results followed in the First and Second Regi- 
ments, and colored officers were soon seen no more. All were 
driven out of the service except three or four who were nev-er 
ordered to appear before the examining board. Among these 
was your humble servant. I was then Captain of Company A, 
Second Regiment, but I soon tired of my isolation and re- 
signed." 



COLORED OFFICERS 



303 



Later on in the war, with the generp.l enlistment of colored 
soldiers, a number of colored chaplains and some surgeons 
were commissioned. Towards the close of the war several col- 
ored line officers and a field officer or two were appointed. 
The State of Massachusetts was foremost in according- this 
recognition to colored soldiers. But th^se later appointments 
came, in most cases, after the fighting was all over, and gave 
few opportunities to command. At the close of the war, with 
the muster out of troops, the colored officers disappeared and 
upon the reorganization of the army, despite the brilliant rec- 
ord of the colored soldiers, no Negro was given a commission 
of any sort. 

The outbreak of the Spanish War brought the question of 
colored officers prominently to the front. The colored people 
began at once to demand that officers of their own race be 
commissioned to command colored volunteers. They were not 
to be deluded by any extravagant praise of their past heroic 
services, which veiled a determination to ignore their just 
claims. So firmly did they adhere to their demands that but 
one volunteer regiment of colored troops, the Third Alabama, 
could be induced to enter the service with none of its officers 
colored. But the concessions obtained were always at the ex- 
pense of continuous and persistent effort, and in the teeth of a 
very active and at times extremely violent opposition. We 
know already the kind of opposition the Eighth Illinois, the 
Twenty-third Kansas, and the Third North Carolina Regi- 
ments, officered entirely by colored men. encountered. It was 
this opposition, as we have seen, which confined colored offi- 
cers to positions below the grade of captain in the four im- 
mune regiments. From a like cause, we know also, distin 
guished non-commissioned officers of the four regular rcgi- 



304 COLORED OFFICERS 

ments of colored troops were allowed promotion only to Lieu- 
tenantcies in the immune regiments, and upon the muster our 
of those organizations, were compelled, if they desired to con- 
tinue soldiering, to resume their places as enlisted men. 

There is some explanation for this opposition in the nature 
of the distinction which military rank confers. Military rank 
and naval rank constitute the only real distinction among us. 
Our officers of the army and navy, and of the army more than 
of the navy, because the former officers are more constantly 
within the country, make up the sole separate class of our 
population. We have no established nobility. Wealth con- 
fers no privilege which men are bound to observe. The re- 
spect paid to men who attain eminence in science and learn- 
ing goes only as far as they are kown. The titles of the pro- 
fessions are matters of courtesy and customs only. Our 
judges and legislators, our governors and mayors, are still 
our "fellow citizens," and the dignity they enjoy is but an 
honorary one. The highest office within our gift offers no 
exception. At the close of his term, even an ex-President, 
"that melancholy product of our system," must resume his 
place among his fellow citizens, to sink, not infrequently, into 
obscurity. But fifty thousand soldiers must stand attention 
to the merest second lieutenant ! His rank is a fact. The life 
tenure, the necessities of military discipline and administra- 
tion, weld army officers into a distinct class and make our 
military system the sole but necessary relic of personal govern- 
ment. Any class with special privileges is necessarily conser- 
vative. 

The intimate association of "officer" and "gentleman," a 
legacy of feudal days, is not without significance. An officer 
must also be a gentleman, and "conduct unbecoming an officer 



COLORED OFFICERS 305 

and a gentleman" k erected into an offence punishable by dis- 
missal from the service. The word "gentleman" has got far 
away from the strict significance of its French parent. Dc 
Tocqueville has made us see the process of this development. 
Passing over to England, with the changing conditions, "gen- 
tleman" was used to describe persons lower and lower in the 
social scale, until, when it crossed to this country, its sig- 
nificance became lost in an indiscriminate application to all 
citizens.'^ A flavor of its caste significance still remains in the 
traditional "high sense of honor" characteristic of our mili- 
tary service. It was a distant step for a slave and freedman 
to become an officer and gentleman. 

While the above reflections may be some explanations in 
fact for the opposition to the commissioning of Negroes, there 
was no one with hardihood enough to bring them forward. 
Such notions might form the groundwork of a prejudice, but 
they could not become the reason of a policy. It is an in- 
stinctive tribute to the good sense of the American people 
that the opponents of colored officers were compelled to find 
reasons of another kind for their antagonism. 

The one formula heard always in the campaign against 
colored officers was: Negroes cannot command. This for- 
mula was sent forth with every kind of variation, from the 
fierce fulminations of the hostile Southern press, to the more 
apologetic and philosophical discussions of our Northern secu- 
lar and religious journals. To be sure, every now and then. 
there were exhibitions of impatience again^t the doctrine. 
Not a few newspapers had little tolerance for the nonsense. 
Some former commanders of Negro soldiers in the Civil War, 
notablv. General T. J. :Morgan, spoke out in their behalf. The 



*De Tocqueville: L'Ancicn Regime et La Rcvclution, p. 125-6. 



3o6 COLORED OFFICERS 

brilliant career of the black regulars in Cuba broke the spell 
for a time, but the re-action speedily set in. In short it be- 
came fastened pretty completely in the popular mind as a 
bit of demonstrated truth that Negroes could not make offi- 
cers; that colored soldiers would neither follow nor obey offi- 
cers of their own race. 

This formula had of course to ignore an entire epoch of 
history. It could take no account of that lurid program 
wrought in the Antilles a century ago — a rising mob of rebel 
slaves, transformed into an invincible arm^ of tumultuous 
blacks, under the guidance of the immortal Toussaint, over- 
coming the trained armies of three Continental powers, Spain, 
England and France, and audaciously projecting a black re- 
public into the family of nations, a program at once a marvel 
and a terror to the civilized world. 

Not alone in Hayti, but throughout the States of Central 
and South America have Negroes exercised military com- 
mand, both in the struggles of these states for independence, 
and in their national armies established after independence. 
At least one soldier of Negro blood. General Dumas, father 
of the great novelist, arose to the rank of General of Division 
in the French Army and served under Napoleon. In our 
day we have seen General Dodds, another soldier of Negro 
blood, returning from a successful campaign in Africa, ac- 
claimed throughout France, his immense popularity threaten- 
ing Paris with a renewal of the hysterical days of Boulanger. 
Finally, we need not be told that at the very head and front of 
the Cuban Rebellion were Negroes of every hue, exercising 
every kind of command up to the very highest. We need but 
recall the lamented Maceo, the Negro chieftain, whose tragic 
end brought sorrow and dismay to all of Cuba. With an army 



COLORED OFFICERS 307 

thronging with blacks and mulattoes, these Cuban cliieftains. 
black, mulatto and white, prolonged such an harassing war- 
fare as to compel the intervention of the United States. At 
the end of this recital, which could well have been extended 
with greater particularity, if it were thought needful, we are 
bound to conclude that the arbitrary formula relied upon by 
the opponents of colored officers was never constructed to fit 
such an obstinate set of facts. 

The prolonged struggle which culminated in permitting 
the Negro's general enlistment in our Civil War had only 
to be repeated to secure for him the full pay of a soldier, the 
right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and to relieve him of 
the monopoly of fatigue and garrison duty. He was too over- 
joyed with the boon of fighting for the liberation of his race 
to make much contention about who was to lead him. With 
meagre exception, his exclusive business in that war was to 
carry a gun. Yet repeatedly Negro soldiers evinced high 
capacity for command. Colonel Thomas Weutworth Higgin- 
son draws a glowing portrait of Sergeant Prince Rivers, 
Color-Sergeant of the First South Carolina Volunteers, a 
regiment of slaves, organized late in 1862. The Color-Ser- 
geant was provost-Sergeant also, and had entire charge of the 
prisoners and of the daily policing of the camp. 

"He is a man of distinguished appearance and in old tmies 
was the crack coachman of Beaufort. * * * They tell 
me that he was once allowed to present a petition to the Gov- 
ernor of South Carolina in behalf of slaves, for the redress 
of certain grievances, and that a placard, offering two thous- 
and dollars for his re-capture is still to be seen by the wayside 
between here and Charleston. He was a sergeant in tlie old 
'Hunter Regiment,' and was taken by General Hunter to New 



308 COLORED OFFICERS 

York last spring, where the chevrons on his arm brought a 
mob upon him in Broadway, whom he kept off till the police 
interfered. There is not a white officer in this regiment who 
has more administrative ability, or more absolute authority 
over the men ; they do not love him, but his mere presence has 
controlling power over them. He writes well enough to pre- 
pare for me a daily report of his duties in the camp; if his 
education reached a higher point I see no reason w^hy he 
should not command the Army of the Potomac. He is jet- 
black, or rather, I should say, wine-black, his complexion, like 
that of others of my darkest men, having a sort of rich, clear 
depth, without a trace of sootiness, and to my eye very hand- 
some. His features are tolerably regular, and full of com- 
mand, and his figure superior to that of any of our white offi- 
cers, being six feet high, perfectly proportioned, and of ap- 
parently inexhaustable strength and activity. His gait is like 
a panther's ; I never saw such a tread. No anti-slavery novel 
has described a man of such marked ability. He makes 
Toussaint perfectly intelligible, and if there should ever be a 
black monarchy in South Carolina he will be its king."* 

Excepting the Louisiana Native Guards, the First South 
Carolina Volunteers was the first regiment of colored troops 
to be mustered into the service in the Civil War. The regi- 
ment was made up entirely of slaves, with scarcely a mulatto 
among them. The first day of freedom for these men was 
passed in uniform and with a gun. Among these Negroes, 
just wrested from slavery, their scholarly commander. Colonel 
Higginson, could find many whom he judged well fitted by 
nature to command. 

"Afterwards I had excellent battalion drills," he writes, 



*Thomas Westworth Higginson: Army Life in a Black Regiment, 
pp. 57-8- 



COLORED OFFICERS 3O9 

"without a single white officer, by way of experiment, putting 
each company under a sergeant, and going through the most 
difficult movements, such as division columns and oblique 
squares. And as to actual discipline, it is doing no injustice 
to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of them re- 
ceived from the men more implicit obedience than Color-Ser- 
geant Rivers. '■'■'- '^' '■■' It always seemed to me an insult 
to those brave men to have novices put over their heads, on 
the ground of color alone, and the men felt it the more keenly 
as they remained longer in the service. There were more 
than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mus- 
tered out after more than three years' service. The ranks had 
been kept full by enlistment, but there were only fourteen 
line-officers instead of the full thirty. The men who should 
have filled these vacancies were doing duty as sergeants in the 
ranks."* 

Numerous expeditions were constantly on foot in the De- 
partment of the South, having for their object the liberation 
of slaves still held to service in neighborhoods remote from 
the Union camps, or to capture supplies and munitions of war. 
Frequently these expeditions came in conflict with armed 
bodies of rebels and hot engagements would ensue, resulting 
in considerable loss of life. Colored soldiers were particularly 
serviceable for this work because of their intimate knowledge 
of the country and their zeal for the rescue of their enslaved 

brethren. 

One of these expeditions, composed of thirty colored sol- 
diers and scouts, commanded by Sergeant-Major Henry 
Jame<^ Third United States Colored Troops, left Jacksonvdie, 
Florida, early in March. 1865, to penetrate into the interior 

~^cmas YVenl>vorth Higginson: -Army Life in a Black Regiment, 
p. 261. 



3IO COLORED OFFICERS 

through Marion county. They destroyed considerable prop- 
erty in the use of the rebel government, burned the bridge 
across the Oclawaha River, and started on their return with 
ninety-one Negroes whom they had rescued from slavery, 
four white prisoners, some wagons and a large number of 
horses and mules. They were attacked by a rebel band of 
more than fifty cavalry. The colored soldiers commanded by 
one of their own number, defeated and drove off the rebels, 
inflicting upon them the heavy loss of thirty men. After a 
long and rapid march they arrived at St. Augustine, Florida, 
with a loss of but two- killed and four wounded, the expedi- 
tion covering in all five days. These colored soldiers and 
their colored commander were thanked in orders by Major- 
General O. A. Gilmore, commanding the department, who 
was moved to declare that "this expedition, planned and ex- 
ecuted by colored men, under the command of a colored non- 
commissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave partici- 
pants and their leader," and "he holds up their conduct to 
their comrades in arms as an example worthy of emulation." '*' 

It was no uncommon occurrence throughout the Civil War 
for colored non-commissioned officers to be thrown into com- 
mand of their companies by the killing or wounding of their 
superior officers. On many a field of battle this happened and 
these colored non-commissioned officers showed the same abil- 
ity to take the initiative and accept the responsibility, and 
conducted their commands just as bravely and unfalteringly as 
did their successors on the firing line at La Guasima and El 
Caney, or in the charge up San Juan Hill. 

In the battle of New Market Heights, fought on the 29th 
of September, 1864, as part of a comprehensive effort to turn 



*Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 339-40> quoting the 
order. 



COLORED OFFICERS 3II 

Lee's left flank, the great heroism of the black soldiers, and 
the terrible slaughter among them, impressed their com- 
mander, the late Major-General Butler, to his dying day, and 
made him the stout champion of their rights for the rest of his 
life. In that battle, to quote from the orders putting on record 
the "gallant deeds of the officers and soldiers of the Army of 
the James" : — 

"Milton M. Holland, Sergeant-Major Fifth United States 
Colored Troops, commanding Company C; James H. Bron- 
son, First Sergeant, commanding Company D; Robert Finn, 
First Sergeant, commanding Company I, wounded ; Powhatan 
Beaty, First Sergeant, commanding Company G, Fifth United 
States Colored Troops — all these gallant colored soldiers were 
left in command, all their company officers being killed or 
wounded, and led them gallantly and meritoriously through 
the day. For these services they have most honorable men- 
tion, and the commanding general will cause a special medal 
to be struck in honor of these gallant soldiers." 

"First Sergeant Edward Ratcliff. Company C, Thirty- 
eighth United States Colored Troops, thrown into command 
of his company by the death of the officer commanding, was 
the first enlisted man in the enemy's works, leading his com- 
pany with great gallantry for which he has a medal." 

"Sergeant Samuel Gilchrist, Company K. Thirty-sixth 
United^'states Colored Troops, showed great bravery and gal- 
lantry in commanding his company after his officers were 
killed. He has a medal for gallantry."* 

"Honorable mention" and "medals" were the sole reward 
open to the brave Negro soldiers of that day. 

Not alone in camp and garrison, in charge of expeditions, 

"Williams's Negro Troop, in the Rebellion, pp. 334-6. original order 
quoted. 



312 COLORED OFFICERS 

or as non-commissioned officers thrown into command of their 
companies on the field of battle have Negro soldiers displayed 
unquestioned capacity for command, but as commissioned 
ofncers they commanded in camp and in battle, showing 
marked efficiency and conspicuous gallantry. The colored offi- 
cers of the First and Second Regiments of Louisiana Native 
Guards, whose history has been detailed earlier in this chap- 
ter,* were retained in the service long enough to command 
their troops in bloody combat with the enemy. It will be re- 
membered that of the Second Regiment of Louisiana Native 
Guards only the Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel were white, 
the Major, F. E. Dumas, and all the line officers, as in the case 
of the First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, being col- 
ored. On April 9, 1863, Colonel N. U. Daniels, who com- 
manded the Second Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, 
with a detachment of two hundred men of his regiment, under 
their colored officers, engaged and repulsed a considerable 
body of rebel infantry and cavalry at Pascagoula, Mississippi. 
The engagement lasted from 10 A. M. until 2 P. M. and wa^ 
remarkable for the steadiness, tenacity and bravery of these 
black troops in this, their first battle, where they succeeded in 
defeating and beating off an enemy five times their number. 
The official report by the Colonel commanding declared: 
"Great credit is due to the troops engaged for their unflinch- 
ing bravery and steadiness under this, their first fire, ex- 
changing volley after volley with the coolness of veterans, 
and for their determined tenacity in maintaining their posi- 
tion, and taking advantage of every success that their courage 
and valor gave them ; and also to their officers, who were cool 
and determined throughout the action, fighting their commands 

*See pp. 351-6 MS. 



COLORED OFFICERS 313 

against five times their number, and confident throughout of 
success. * * * 

"I would particularly call the attention of the department 
to i\Iajor F. E. Dumas, Capt. Villeverd and Lieuts. Jones and 
Alartin, who were constantly in the thickest of the fight, and 
by their unflinching bravery and admirable handling of their 
commands, contributed to the success of the attack, and re- 
flected great honor upon the flag for which they so nobly strug- 
gled."* 

The battle which settled for all time the bravery of black 
troops, and ought as well to silence all question about the 
capacity of colored officers, was the storming of Port Hudson, 
May 27, 1863. For months the Confederates had had unin- 
terrupted opportunity to strengthen their works at Port Hud- 
son at a time when an abundance of slave labor was at their 
disposal. They had constructed defenses of remarkable 
strength. On a bluff, eighty feet above the river, was a series 
of batteries mounting in all twenty siege guns. For land de- 
fenses they had a continuous line of parapet of strong profile, 
beginning at a point on the river a mile from Port Hudson 
and extending in a semi-circle for three or four miles over a 
country for the most part rough and broken, and ending agam 
at the river, a half mile north of Port Hudson. At appro- 
priate positions along this line four bastion works were con- 
structed and thirty pieces of field artillery were posted. The 
average thickne>3 of the parapet was twenty feet, and the 
depth of the ditch below the top of the parapet was fifteen 
feet. The ground behind the parapet was well adapted for 
the prompt movement of troops.* 

*Wilson: Black Phalanx, p. 211, original order quoted, 
"^mpaigns of the Civil War. F. V. Greene. The Mississippi, p. 
226 et seq. 



314 COLORED OFFICERS 

On the 24th of May General Banks reached the immediate 
vicinity of Port Hudson, and proceeded at once to invest the 
place. 

On the 27th the assault was ordered. Two colored regi- 
ments of Louisiana Native Guards, the First Regiment with 
all line officers colored, and the Third with white officers 
throughout, were put under command of Colonel John A. Nel- 
son, of the Third Regiment, and assigned to position on the 
right of the line, where the assault was begun. The right 
began the assault in the morning; for some reason the left did 
not assault until late in the afternoon. Six companies of the 
First Louisiana and nine companies of the Third, in all 1080 
men, were formed in column of attack. Even now, one can- 
not contemplate unmoved the desperate valor of these black 
troops and the terrible slaughter among them as they were 
sent to their impossible task that day in May. Moving for- 
ward in double quick time the column emerged from the 
woods, and passing over the plain strewn with felled trees and 
entangled brushwood, plunged into a fury of shot and shell as 
they charged for the batteries on the rebel left. Again and 
again that unsupported column of black troops held to their 
hopeless mission by the unrelenting order of the brigade com- 
mander, hurled itself literally into the jaws of death, many 
meeting horrible destruction actually at the cannon's mouth. 

It was a day prodigal with deeds of fanatical bravery. The 
colors of the First Louisiana, torn and shivered in that fearful 
hail of fire, were still borne forward in front of the works by 
the color-sergeant, until a shell from the enemy cut the flag 
in two and gave the sergeant his mortal wound. He fell 
spattering the flag with blood and brains and hugged it to his 
bosom as he lay in the grasp of death. Two corporals sprang 



COLORED OFFICERS 315 



forward to seize the colors, contending in generous rivalry 
until a rebel sharpshooter felled one of them across the ser- 
geant's lifeless body. The other dashed proudly forward 
with the flag. Sixteen men fell that day defending the colors. 

Black officers and white officers commanded side by side, 
moving among the men to prompt their valor by word and 
example, revealing no difference in their equal contempt of 
death. Captain Ouinn, of the Third Regiment, with forty 
reckless followers, bearing their rifles and cartridge boxes 
above their heads, swam the ditch and leaped among the guns, 
when they were ordered back to escape a regiment of rebels 
hastening for their rear. Six of them re-crossed alive, and 
of these only two were unhurt, the brave Quinn and a Lieuten- 
ant. The gallant Captain Andre Cailloux, who commanded 
the color company of the First Louisiana, a man black as 
night, but a leader by birth and education, moved in eager 
zeal among his men, cheering them on by words and his own 
noble example, with his left arm already shattered, proudly 
refusing to leave the field. In a last effort of heroism, he 
sprang to the front of his company, commanded his men to 
follow^ him, and in the face of that murderous fire, gallantly 
led them forward until a shell smote him to death but fifty 
yards from the works. 

Cailloux, a pure Negro in blood, was born a freeman and 
numbered generations of freemen among his ancestry. He 
had fine presence, was a man of culture and possessed 
wealth. He had raised his company by his own efforts, and at- 
tached them to him, not only by his ardent pride of race, which 
made him boaSt his blackness, but also by his undoubted tal- 
ents for command. His heroic death was mourned by thous- 
ands of his race who had known him. His body, recovered 



3l6 COLORED OFFICERS 

after the surrender, was given a soldier's burial in his own 
Dative city of New Orleans. 

When the day was spent, the bleeding and shattered column 
was at length recalled. The black troops did not take the 
guns, but the day's work had won for them a fame that can- 
not die. The nation, which had received them into the ser- 
vice half-heartedly, and out of necessity, was that day made 
to witness a monotony of gallantry and heroism that com- 
pelled everywhere awe and admiration. Black soldiers, and 
led by black officers as well as white, assigned a task hope- 
less and impossible at the start, had plunged into that wither- 
ing storm of shot and shell, poured fourth by artillery and in- 
fantry, charging over a field strewn with obstacles, and in 
madness of bravery had more than once thrown the thin head 
of their column to the very edge of the guns. They recoiled 
only to reform their broken lines and to start again their des- 
perate work. When the day was gone, and they were called 
back, the shattered remnant of the column which had gone 
forth in the morning still burned with passion. With that 
day's work of black soldiers under black officers, a part for- 
ever of the military glory of the Republic, there are those 
who yet dare to declare that Negroes cannot command. 

The assault on Port Hudson had been unsuccessful all along 
the line. A second assault was ordered June 13. It, too, was 
unsuccessful. The fall of Vicksburg brought the garrison to 
terms. The surrender took place July 9, 1863. In the re- 
port of the general commanding, the colored soldiers were 
given unstinted praise. General Banks declared that "no 
troops could be more determined or more daring."* The 
Northern press described glowingly their part in the fight. 

*Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, p. 221, original order 
quoted. 



COLORED OFFICERS 317 

The prowess of the black soldiers had conquered military pre- 
judice, and won for them a place in the army of the Union. 
And the brave black officers who led these black soldiers, they 
were, all of them, ordered forthwith before an examining 
board with the purpose of driving' them from the service, and 
every one of them in self-respect was made to resign. In such 
manner was their bravery rewarded. 

In the four regiments of colored troops made a part of the 
Regular Army since the Civil War, colored soldiers, to say 
nothing of the three colored graduates from West Point, re- 
ferred to earlier in this chapter, have repeatedly given evi- 
dence of their capacity to command. An earlier chapter has 
already set forth the gallant manner in which colored non- 
commissioned officers, left in command by the killing or 
wounding of their officers, commanded their companies at La 
Guasima, El Caney and in the charge at San Juan. On num- 
erous occasions, with none of the heroic setting of the Santi- 
ago campaign, have colored soldiers time and again com- 
mand detachments and companies on dangerous scouting ex- 
peditions, and in skirmishes and fights with hostile Indians 
and marauders. The entire \\'estern country is a witness of 
their prowess. This meritorious work, done in remote re- 
gions, has seldom come to public notice; the medal which the 
soldier wears, and the official entry in company and regi- 
mental record are in most cases the sole chronicle. A typical 
instance is furnished in the career of Sergeant Richard An- 
derson, late of the Ninth Cavalry. The sergeant has long 
ago completed his thirty years of service. He nas^orl through 
all non-commissioned grades in his troop and regiment, and 
was retired as Post Commissary-Sergeant. The story of the 
encrao-ements in which he commanded give ample proof of his 



3l8 COLORED OFFICERS 

ability and bravery. It would be no service to the sergeant 
to disturb his own frank and formal narrative. 

The Sergeant's story: — 

"While in sub-camp at Fort Gumming, New Mexico, awaiting 
orders for campaign duty against hostile Indians (old Nancy's 
band), on the evening of June 5, 1880, my troop commander 
being absent at Fort Bayard, which left me in command of my , 
troop, there being no other commissioned officer available, a re- 
port having come in to the commanding ofhcer about i o'clock 
that a band of Apache Indians were marching toward Cook's 
Canon, Troops B and L, under general command of Captain 
Francis, 9th Cavalry, and myself commanding Troop B, were 
ordered out. 

We came upon the Indians in Cook's Canon and had an 
engagement which lasted two or three hours. Three or four 
Indians were killed and several wounded. We had no men 
killed, but a few wounded in both L and B Troops. We fol- 
lowed the Indians many miles that evening, but having no ra- 
tions, returned to Fort Cumming late that evening, and went 
into camp until the following morning, when the two troops 
took the trail and followed it many days, but being unable to 
overtake the Indians, returned to Fort Cimiming. 

In August, 1881, while my troop was in camp at Fort Cum- 
ming, New Mexico, awaiting orders for another campaign 
against these same Apache Indians, my troop commander hav- 
ing been ordered to Fort Bayard, New Mexico, on general 
court-martial duty, and during his absence having no commis- 
sioned ofhcer available, I was in command of my troop subject 
to the orders of the post commander. At 12 o'clock at night, 
August 17, 1881, while in my tent asleep, the commanding offi- 
cer's orderly knocked on my tent and informed me that the 
commanding officer wanted me to report to him at once. I 
asked the orderly what was up. He informed me that he sup- 
posed a scout was going out, as the commanding ofificer had 
sent for Lieutenant Smith, then in command of Troop H, ptl? 
Cavalry. 

I dressed mvself promptly and reported, and found Lieuten- 
ant Smith and the commanding ofificer at the office on my ar- 
rival. 

The commanding officer asked me about hov/ many men T 
could monnt for thirty days' detached duty, leaving so manv 



COLORED OFFICERS 319 

men to take care of property and horses. I told him about 
how many. He ordered me to make a ration return for that 
number of men, and send a sergeant to draw rations for thirty 
days' scout ; and for me to hurry up, and when ready to report 
to Lieutenant Smith. By 12.45 my troop was ready and 
mounted, and reported as ordered, and at i o'clock Troop's 
B and H pulled out from Fort Gumming for Lake Valley, New 
Mexico; and when the sun showed himself over the tops of 
the mountains we marched down the mountains into Lake Val- 
ley, thirty-five miles from Fort Gumming. We went into camp 
hoping to spend a few hours and take a rest, and feed our 
horses and men. 

About 9 o'clock a small boy came running through camp 
crying as if to break his heart, saying that the In- 
dians had killed his mother and their baby. Some of 
the men said the boy must be crazy; but many of them 
made for their horses without orders. Soon Lieutenant Smith 
ordered "Saddle up." In less than five minutes all the com- 
mand was saddled up and ready to mount. We mounted and 
pulled out at a gallop, and continued at that gait until we came 
to a high mountain, when we came down to a walk. And when 
over the mountain v.e took up the gallop, and from that time 
on, nothing but a gallop and a trot, when the country was favor- 
able for such. When we had marched about two miles from 
Lake Valley we met the father of the boy, with his leg bleeding 
where the Indians had shot him. We marched about half a 
mile farther, when we could see the Indians leaving this man': 
ranch. We had a running fight with them from that time until 
about 5 o'clock that evening, August i8th, 1881. Having no 
rations, we returned to Lake \'alley with the intention of rest- 
ing that night and taking the trail the next morning; but about 
9 o'clock that night a ranchman came into camp and reported 
that the Indians had marched into a milk ranch and burned up 
the ranch, and had gone into camp near by. 

Lieutenant Smith ordered mo to have the command in readi- 
ness to march at 12 o'clock sharp, and said we could surprise 
those Indians and capture many of . them and kill a few also. 
I went and made my detail as ordered, with five days' rations in 
haversacks, and at 12 o'clock reported as ordered. 

About half-past 12 o'clock the command pulled out and 
marched within about a mile and a half of the milk ranch and 
went into camp ; and at daylight in the morning saddled up and 



320 COLORED OFFICERS 

marched to the ranch. The Indians had pulled out a few min- 
utes before our arrival. We took their trail and came up with 
them about lo o'clock, finding the Indians in ambush. Lieuten- 
ant Smith was the first man killed, and when I heard his last 
command, which was "Dismount," then the whole command 
fell upon your humble servant. We fell back, up a canon and 
on a hill, and held them until 4 o'clock, when a reinforcement 
came up of about tvvxnty men from Lake Valey and the Indians 
pulled off over the mountains. The following-named men were 
killed in the engagement: 

Lieutenant G. W. Smith; Mr. Daily, a miner; Saddler 
Thomas Golding; Privates James Brown and Monroe Over- 
street. Wounded — Privates Wesley Harris, John W. WilUams 
and William A. Hallins. 

i\fter the Indians ceased firing and fell back over the moun- 
tains I cared for the wounded and sent Lieutenant Smith's body 
to Fort Bayard, New Mexico, where his wife was, which was 
about sixty miles from the battle-ground, and Mr. Daily's body 
to Lake Valley, all under a strong detachment of men under a 
non-commissioned officer ; w4ien I marched wnth the remainder 
of the command with the dead and wounded for Rodman Mill, 
where I arrived about 5 o'clock on the morning of August 20 
and buried the dead and sent the wounded to Fort Bayard. 

One thing that attracted my attention more than anything 
else was the suffering of Private John W. Williams, Troop H, 
who w-as shot through the kneecap and had to ride all that night 
from the battle-ground to Brookman's Mill. Poor fellow'! 

I buried all my dead, and then marched for Fort Gumming, 
where we arrived about sunset and reported to General Edward 
Hatch, then commanding the regiment and also the district of 
New Mexico, giving him all the details pertaining to the en- 
gagement. 

General Hatch asked me about how many men I could mount 
the next morning, the 21st. I informed him about how many. 
He ordered me to have my troop in readiness by daylight and 
report to Lieutenant Demmick, then commanding Troop L, 
and follow that Indian trail. 

My troop was ready as ordered, and marched. We followed 
those Indians to the line of Old Mexico, but were unable to 
overtake them. Such was my last engagement with hostile 
Indians." 



COLORED OfVICKRS 



3«> 



The formula that Negroes cannot command, with tlie fur- 
ther assertion that colored soldiers will neither follow nor 
obey officers of their own race, we have now taken out of the 
heads of its upholders, and away from its secure setting of 
type on the printed page, and applied it to the facts. Negro 
soldiers have shown their ability to command by command- 
ing, not always with shoulder-straps, to be sure, but neverthe- 
less commanding. With wearying succession, instance after 
instance, where Negroes have exercised all manner of military 
command and always creditably, have extended for us a re- 
cital to the border of monotony, and made formidable test of 
our patience. In France and the West Indies, in Central and 
South America, Negroes have commanded armies, in one in- 
stance fighting under Napoleon, at other times to free them- 
selves from slavery and their countries from the yoke of op- 
pression. In our own country, from the days of the Revo- 
lution, when fourteen American officers declared in a memor- 
ial to the Congress, that a "Negro man called Salem Poor, 
of Colonel Frye's regiment, Captain Ames' company, in the 
late battle at Charlestown, behaved like an experienced officer. 
as W'ell as an excellent soldier;"* from the first war of the 
nation down to its last, Negro soldiers have been evincing 
their capacity to command. In the Civil War. where thous- 
ands of colored soldiers fought for the Union, their ability to 
command has been evidenced in a hundred ways, on scouts 
and expeditions, in camp and in battle ; on two notable occas- 
ions, Negro officers gallantly fought their commands side by 
side with white officers, and added lustre to the military glory 
of the nation. Upon the re-organization of the Regular Army 



*MS. Archives of Massachusetts, Vol. 180. p. J4i. qiiotr«l in WUIiamf's 
Negro Troops in the Rebellion, p. 13. 



322 COLOKUD OFFICERS 

at the close of the war the theatre shifted to our Western 
frontier, where the Negro soldier continued to display his 
ability to command. Finally, in the Spanish War, just closed, 
the Negro soldier made the nation again bear witness not 
alone to his undaunted bravery, but also to his conspicuous 
capacity to command. Out of this abundant and conclusive 
array of incontestable facts, frankly, is there anything left 
to the arbitrary formula that Negroes cannot command, but 
a string of ipse dixits hung on a very old, but still decidedly 
robust prejudice? There is no escape from the conclusion that 
as a matter of fact, with opportunity, Negroes differ in no 
wise from other men in capacity to exercise military command. 

Undoubtedly substantial progress has been made respecting 
colored officers since 1863, when colored soldiers were first 
admitted in considerable numbers into the armv of the Union. 
At the period of the Civil War colored officers for colored 
soldiers was little more than thought of; the sole instance 
comprised the short-lived colored officers of the three regi- 
ments of Louisiana Native Guards, and the sporadic appoint- 
ments made near the close of the war, when the fighting was 
over. 

More than three hundred colored officers served in the vol- 
unteer army in the war with Spain. Two Northern States, 
Illinois and Kansas, and one Southern State, North Carolina, 
put each in the field as part of its quota a regiment of colored 
troops officered throughout by colored men. Ohio and In- 
diana contributed each a separate battalion of colored soldiers 
entirely under colored officers. 

In 1863 a regiment of colored troops with colored officers 
was practically impossible. In 1898 a regiment of colored 
volunteers without some colored officers was almost equally 



COLORED OFKIiKRS ^^ ^ 

impossi'ule. In 1S63 a regiment of colored soldiers com- 
manded by colored officers would have been a violation of the 
sentiment of the period and an outrage upon popular feelings, 
the appearance of which in almost any Northern city would 
hardly fail to provoke an angry and resentful mob. At that 
period, even black recruits in uniforms were frequently as- 
saulted in the streets of Northern cities. We have seen al- 
ready how Sergeant Rivers, of the First South Carolina Vol- 
unteers, had to beai off a mob on Broadway in New York 
city. In 1898 regiments and battalions of colored troops, with 
colored colonels and majors in command, came out of States 
where the most stringent black laws were formerly in force, 
and were greeted with applause as they passed on their way to 
their camps or to embark for Cuba. 

In Baltimore, in 1863, the appearance of a Negro m the 
uniform of an army surgeon started a riot, and the irate mob 
was not appeased until it had stripped the patriotic colored 
doctor of his shoulder-straps. In 1898, when the Sixth Regi- 
ment of Massachusetts Volunteers passed through the same 
city, the colored officers of Company L of that regiment were 
welcomed with the same courtesies as their white colleagues — 
courtesies extended as a memorial of the fateful progress of 
the regiment through the city of Baltimore in 1861. One 
State which went to war in 1861 to keep the Negro a slave, 
put in the field a regiment of colored soldiers, officered by 
colored men from the colonel down. To this extent has pre- 
judice been made to yield either to political necessity, or a 
generous change in sentiment. Thus were found States both 
North and South willing to give the Negro the full militarv 
recognition to which he is entitled. 

With thi> wider recognition of colored officers the general 



324 COLORED OFFICERS 

government has not kept pace. In the four regiments of coi- 
ored volunteers recruited by the general government for ser- 
vice in the war with Spain, only the lieutenants were colored. 
Through the extreme conservatism of the War Department, 
in these regiments no colored officers, no matter how meritor- 
ious, could be appointed or advanced to the grade of captain. 
Such was the announced policy of the department, and it was 
strictly carried out. The commissioning of this large num- 
ber of colored men even to lieutenancies was, without doubt, 
a distinct step in advance; it was an entering wedge. But 
it was also an advance singularly inadequate and embarrassing. 
In one of these colored volunteer, commonly called "immune'' 
regiments, of the twelve captains, but five had previous mili- 
tary training, while of the twenty-four colored lieutenants, 
eighteen had previous military experience, and three of the 
remaining six were promoted from the ranks, so that at the 
time of their appointment twenty-one lieutenants had previous 
military training. Of the five captains with previous mili- 
tary experience, one, years ago, had been a lieutenant in the 
Regular Army; another was promoted from Post Quarter- 
master-Sergeant ; a third at one time had been First Sergeant 
of Artillery; the remaining two had more or less experience 
in the militia. Of the eighteen lieutenants with previous mili- 
tary experience, twelve had served in the Regular Army; 
eight of these, not one with a service less than fifteen years, 
were promoted directly from the ranks of the regulars 'ifor 
efficiency and gallantry. At the time of their promotion two 
were Sergeants, five First Sergeants and one a Post Quarter- 
master-Sergeant. The four others from the Regular Army 
had served five years each. Of the six remaining Lieutenants 
with previous military experience, four had received military 



COlORKli OKI ICIiKS 



3»5 



tfaining in high schools, three of whom were Mibseciuently 
officers in the militia; fifth graduated from a state college with 
a military department ; the sixth had been for years an officer 
in the militia. With this advantage at the start, it is no ex- 
travagance to say that the colored officers practically made the 
companies. To them was due the greater part of the credit 
for whatever efficiency the companies showed. Moreover, 
these colored officers were not behind in intelligence. Among 
them were four graduates of universities and colleges, two 
lawyers, two teachers, one journalist, five graduates of high 
.schools and academies, and the men from the Regular Army, 
as their previous non-commissioned rank indicates, were of 
good average intelligence. There is no reason to believe that 
this one of the four colored volunteer regiments was in any 
degree exceptional. 

These are the officers for whom the War Department had 
erected their arbitrary bar at captaincy, and declared that no 
show of efficiency could secure for them the titular rank 
which they more than once actually exercised. For they were 
repeatedly in command of their companies through sickness 
or absence of their captains. They served as officers without 
the incentive which comes from hope of promotion. They 
were forced to see the credit of their labors go to others, and 
to share more than once in discredit for which they were not 
responsible. They were, and in this lay their chief embarrass- 
ment, w^ithout the security and protection which higher rank 
would have accorded them. In ca.se of trial by court-martial. 
captains and other higher officers filled the court to the ex- 
clusion of almost all others. These were white men. It is 
gratifying to record that the War Department recognized this 
special injustice to colored officers, and in the two regiments 
of colored volunteers recruited for service in the Philippines 



326 COLORED OFFICERS 

all the line-officers are colored men, the field officers being 
white, and appointed from the Regular Army in pursuance of 
a general policy. Thus far has the general government ad- 
vanced in recognition of the military capacity of the Negro. 
In the swing of the pendulum the nation is now at the place 
where the hardy General Butler was thirty-seven years ago, 
when he organized the three regiments of Louisiana Native 
Guards with all line-officers colored. 

The way in which modern armies are organized and per- 
fected leaves little necessity for an equipment of exceptional 
personal gifts in order to exercise ordinary military com- 
mand. The whole thing is subordinate, and the field for per- 
sonal initiative is contracted to the minimum. In our own 
army the President is Commander-in-Cliief, and the command 
descends through a multitude of subordinate grades down to 
ihe lowest commissioned officer in the service. We have 
"Articles of War" and "Regulations," and the entire discip- 
line and government of the army is committed to writing. 
There is no chance to enshroud in mystery the ability to com- 
mand. For ordinary military command, with intelligence the 
chief requisite, little is required beyond courage, firmness and 
good judgment. These qualities are in no respect natural 
barriers for colored men. 

This last story of the Negro soldier's efficiency and gal- 
lantry, told in the pages of this book, teaches its own very 
simple conclusion. The Cuban campaign has forced the 
nation to recognize the completion of the Negro's evolution 
as a soldier in the Army of the United States. The colored 
American soldier, by his own prowess, has won an acknowl- 
edged place by the side of the best trained fighters with arms. 
In the fullness of his manhood he has no rejoicing in the pat- 
ronizing paean, "the colored troops fought nobly," nor does 



COLORED OKFJCERS 



3»7 



he glow at all when told of his "faithfulness" and "devotion" 
to his white officers, qualities accentuated to the point where 
they might well fit an affectionate dog. He lays claim to no 
prerogative other than that of a plain citizen of the Republic, 
trained to the profession of arms. The measure of his de- 
mand — and it is the demand of ten millions of his fellow- 
citizens allied to him by race — is that the full manhood privil- 
eges of a soldier be accorded him. On his record in arms, not 
excluding his manifest capacity to command, the colored sol- 
dier, speaking for the entire body of colored citizens in tWs 
country, only demands that the door of the nation's military 
training school be freely open to the capable of his race, and 
the avenue of promotion from the ranks be accessible to his 
tried efficiency; that no hindrance prevent competent colored 
men from taking their places as officers as well as soldiers in 
the nation's permanent military establishment. 



32S APPENDIX 



APPENDIX. 



The correspondence following shows ithe progress of the ne- 
gotiations for the surrender of the city of Santiago and the 
Spanish Arm)', from the morning of July 3d until the final 
convention was signed on the sixteenth of the same month. 
This surrender virtually closed the war, but did not restore 
the contending nations to a status of peace. Twenty-three 
thousand Spanish soldiers had laid down their arms and had 
been transformed from enemies to friends. On the tenth of 
August following, a protocol was submitted by the President 
of the United States, which was accepted by the Spanish 
cabinet on the eleventh, and on the twelfth the President an- 
nounced the cessation of hostilities, thus closing a war which 
had lasted one hundred and ten days. On the tenth of De- 
cember a Treaty of Peace between the United States and 
Spain was signed at Paris, which was subsequently ratified by 
both nations, and diplomatic relations fully restored. The 
war. though short, had been costly. One hundred and fifty 
million dollars had been spent in its prosecution, and there 
were left on our hands the unsolved problem of Cuba and the 
Philippines, v^'hich promised much future trouble. 

Within a month from the signing of the convention, the 
Army of Invasion, known as the Fifth Army Corps, was on 
its homeward voyage, and by the latter part of August the 
whole command was well out of Cuba. Well did the soldiers 
themselves, as well as their friends, realize, as the former 
returned from that campaign of a hundred da^'S, that war in 



APPENDIX 329 

the tropics was neither a pastime nor a practice niarcii. The 
campaign had tested the powers of endurance of the men to 
its utmost limit. The horrors of war were brought directly 
to the face of the people, as the ten thousand invalids dragged 
their debilitated forms from the transports to their detention 
<:amps, or to the hospitals, some too helpless to walk, and 
many to die soon after greeting their native shores. Those 
who had been so enthusiastic for the war were now quiet, and 
were eagerly laying the blame for the sorrow and sufifering 
before them upon the shoulders of those who had conducted 
the war. Few stopped to think that a good part of this woe 
might be justly charged to those who had constantly resisted 
the establishment of an adequate standing army, and who. 
with inconsistent vehemence, had urged the nation into a war. 
regardless of its military equipment. The emaciated veterans 
arriving at Montauk were spoken of as the evidences of "mili- 
tary incompetency," they were also evidence of that narrow- 
statesmanship which ignores the constant suggestions of mdi- 
tary experience. 



Headquarters United States Forces. 
Near San Juan River, July 3. 1898—8.30 A. M. 
To the Commanding General of the Spanish Forces. Santiago 
de Cuba. 
Sir: — I shall be obliged, unless you surrender, to shell San- 
tiago de Cuba. Please inform the citizens of foreign countries, 
and all the women and children, that they should leave the city 
before to o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Very respectfullv, your obedient servant. 

WILLIAM R. SHAFTKR. 

Major-Genera. 1 U. S. \'. 



330 APPENDJX 

Reply. 

Santiago de Cuba, July 3, 1898. 

His Excellency the General Commanding Forces of United 
States, near San Juan River. 

Sir : — I have the honor to reply to your communication of 
to-day, written at 8.30 A. M., and received at i P. M., demanding 
the surrender of this city, or, in contrary case, announcing to me 
that you will bombard this city, and that I advise the foreigners, 
women and children that they must leave the city before 10 
o'clock to-morrow morning. It is my duty to say to you that 
this city will not surrender, and that I will inform the foreign 
consuls and inhabitants of the contents of your message. 
Very respectfully, 

JOSE TORAL, 
Commander-in-Chief, Fourth Corps. 

Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898. 
The Commanding General, Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba, 
Cuba. 

Sir : — I was officially informed last night that Admiral Cer- 
vera is now a captive on board the U. S. S. Gloucester, and is 
unharmed. He was then in the harbor of Siboney. I regret 
also to have to announce to you the death of General Vara del 
Rey at El Cancy, who, Avith two of his sons, was killed in the 
battle of July ist. His body will be buried this morning with 
military honors. His brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Vara del 
Rey, is wounded and a prisoner in my hands, together with the 
following officers : Captain Don Antonio Vara del Rey, Captain 
Isidor Arias, Captain Antonio Mansas, and Captain Manuel 
Romero, who, though severely wounded, will all probably sur- 
vive. 

I also have to announce to you that the Spanish fleet, with 
the exception of one vessel, was destroyed, and this one is being 
so vigorously pursued that it will be impossible for it to escape. 
General Pando is opposed by forces sufficient to hold him in 
check. 

In view of the above, I would suggest that, to save needless 
effusion of blood and the distress of many people, you may re- 



APPENDIX ;3i 

consider your determination of yesterday. Your men havf cer- 
tainly shown the gallantry which was expected of them. 
I am, sir, with great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

WILLIAM R. S1IA1-T!:R, 
Major-General, Commanding- United States Forces. 

Headquarters Fiftli Army Corps, 
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4. 1898. 
To the Commanding General, Spanish Forces, Santiago dc 
Cuba, Cuba. 
Sir: — ^The fortune of war has thrown into my hands quite 
a number of officers and private soldiers, whom I am now hold- 
ing as prisoners of war, and I have the honor to propose to 
you that a cartel of exchange be arranged to-day, by which 
the prisoners taken by the forces of Spain from on board the 
Merrimac, and any ofhcers and men of the army who may have 
fallen into our hands within the past few days, may be re- 
turned to their respective governments on the terms usual 
in such cases, of rank for rank. Trusting that this will tneef 
with your favorable consideration, I remain. 

Verv respectfully, your obedient servant. 

^ WILLIAM R. SHAFTER. 
Major-(ieneral. Commanding United States Forces. 

llead(iuarters Fifth Army Corp>. 
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 18^. 

To the Commanding Oilicer, Spanish Forces, Santiago. 

Sir: — It will give me great pleasure to return to the city ut 
Santiago at an earlv hour to-morrow morning all the wounded 
Spanish officers now at El Caney who are able to be carried 
and who will give their parole not to serve against the United 
States until regularly exchanged. 1 make this proposition, as 
I am not so situated as to give these ofticers the care and atten- 
tion that they can receive at the hands of their military asso- 
ciates and from their own surgeons; though I shall, of course, 
give them every kind treatment that it is possible to do under 
such adverse circumstances. Trusting that this will meet with 



332 APPENDIX 

your approbatoin, and that yon will permit me to return to you 
these persons, I am, 

Your very obedient servant, 

WILLIAM R. SH AFTER, 
Major-General, Commanding United States Forces. 

Army of the Island of Cuba, 

Fifth Corps, General Staff. 
To His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief of the American 
Forces. 

Excellency : — I have the honor to reply to the three commu- 
nications of your Excellency, dated to-day, and I am very 
grateful for the news you give in regard to the generals, chiefs, 
officers and troops that are your prisoners, and of the good care 
that you give to the wounded in your possession. With respect 
to the wounded, I have no objection to receiving in this place 
those that your Excellency may willingly deliver me, but I am 
not authorized by the General-in-Chief to make any exchange, 
as he has reserved to himself that authority. Yet I have given 
him notice of the proposition of your Excellency. 

It is useless for me to tell you how grateful I am for the in- 
terest that your Excellency has shown for the prisoners and 
corpse of General Vara del Rey, giving you many thanks for 
the chivalrous treatment. 

The same reasons that I explained to you yesterday, I have 
to give again to-day — that this place will not be surrendered. 
I am, yours with great respect and consideration, 

(Signed) JOSE TORAL. 

In Santiago de Cuba, July 4, 1898. 

Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 6, 1898. 
To the Commander-in-Chief, Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba. 

Sir: — In view of the events of the 3d instant, I have the 
honor to lay before your Excellency certain propositions to 
which, I trust, your Excellency, will give the consideration 
which, in my judgment, they deserve. 

I inclose a bulletin of the engagement of Sunday morning 
which resulted in the complete destruction of Admiral Cervera's 
fleet, the loss of six hundred of his officers and men, and the 
capture of the remainder. The Admiral, General Paredes and 



APPKNUIX 333 

all otners wno escaped alive arc novv- prisoners on board the 
Harvard and St. Louis, and the latter ship, in which arc the 
Admiral, General Paredes and the siirvivinj::;- captains (all ex- 
cept the captain of the Almirante Oquendo, who was slain) 
has already sailed for the United States. If desired by you, this 
may be confirmed by your Excellency sending an ofiflccr under 
a fiag of truce to Admiral Sampson, and he can arrange to 
visit the Harvard, which will not sail until to-morrow, and ob- 
tain the details from Spanish oflficers and men on board that 
ship. 

Our fleet is now perfectly free to act, and 1 have the honor 
to state that unless a surrender be arranged by noon of the 9th 
instant, a bombardment will be l)cgun and continued by the 
heavy guns of our ships. The city is within easy range of these 
guns, the eight-inch being capable of firing 9,500 yards, the 
thirtecn-inch, of course, much farther. The ships can so lie that 
with a range of 8,000 yards they can reach the centre of the city. 

I make this suggestion of a surrender purely in a human- 
itarian spirit. I do not wish to cause the slaughter of any more 
men, either of your Excellency's forces or my own, the final 
result under circumstances so disadvantageous to your Excel- 
lency being a foregone conclusion. 

As your Excellency may wish to make reference of so mo- 
mentous a question to your Excellency's home government, 
it is for this purpose that I have placed the time of the re- 
sumption of hostilities sufficiently far in the future to allow a 
reply being received. 

I beg an early answer from }our Excellency. 

I have the honor to be, 

Verv respectfullv, ^our obedient servant, 

' W. R. SHAFTER. 

Major-General. Commanding. 

Headquarters Fifth Army Corps. 
Camp near Santiago. July 9. 1898. 
Hon. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 

I forwarded General Toral's proposition to evacuate the 
town this morning without consulting any one. Since then I 
have seen the general officers commanding divisions, who agree 
with me in that it should be accepted. 
I St. It releases at once the harbor. 



.34 



APPENDIX 



2d. It pennils the return of thousands of women, children 
and old men, who have left the town, fearing bombardment, 
and are now suftering fearfully where they are, though I am 
doing my best to supply them wath food. 

3d. It saves the great destruction of property which a bom- 
bardment would entail, most of which belongs to Cubans and 
foreign residents. 

4th. It at once releases this command while it is in good 
health for operations elsewhere. There are now- three cases of 
yellow fever at Siboney in a Michigan regim.ent, and if it gets 
started, no one knows where it will stop. 

Wc lose by this, simply some prisoners we do not want and 
the arms they carry. I believe many of them will desert and 
return to our lines. I was told by a sentinel who deserted last 
night that tv.-o hundred men wanted to come, but were afraid 
■our men would fire upon them .; 

W. R. SHAFTER, 

Major-General, United States Volunteers. 

Reply. 

Washington, D. C, July 9, 1898. 

Major-General Shafter, Playa, Cuba. 

In reply to your telegram recommending terms of evacuation 
as proposed by the Spanish commander, after careful consid- 
eration by the President and Secretary of War, I am directed to 
say that you have repeatedly been advised that you would not 
i)e' expected to make an assault upon the enemy at Santiago 
until you were prepared to do the work thoroughly. When you 
are ready this will be done. Your telegram of this morning 
said your position was impregnable and that you believed the 
enemy would yet surrender unconditionally. You have also 
assured us that you could force their surrender by cutting ofT 
their supplies. Under these circumstances, your message re- 
commending that Spanish troops be permitted to evacuate and 
proceed without molestation to Holguin is a great surprise and 
is not approved. The responsibility for the destruction and dis- 
tress to the inhabitants rests entirely v/ith the Spanish com- 
mander. The Secretary of War orders that when you are 
strong enough to destroy the enemy and take Santiago, you do it 
]f you have not force enough, it will be despatched to you at 
the earliest moment possible. Reinforcements are on the way 
of which you have already been apprised. In the meantime, 



ArPtNDix .^35 

i>othing is lost by liolding the position \ou now liavc. :ui.l wliicli 
you regard as impregnable. 

Acknowledge receipt. By order of the Secretary of War. 
(Signed) H. C. CORBIX, Adjutant-General. 

Headquarters United States Forces, 
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July ii, 1898. 
To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish 
Forces, Santiago de Cuba. 
Sir: — With the largely increased forces which have come to 
me, and the fact that I have your line of retreat securely within 
my hands, the time seems fitting that I should again demand 
of your Excellency the surrender of Santiago and your Excel- 
lency's army. I am authorized to state that should your Excel- 
lency so desire, the Government of the United States will trans- 
port your entire command to Spain. I have the honor to be. 
A'erv respectfullv. your obedient servant. 

' WILLIAM R. SHAFTER. 

Major-Gencral. Commanding. 

Reply. 

Army of the Island of Cuba, i-'ourth Corp>, 

July II, 1898. 
To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the I'orct-s of 
the United States, in the Camp of the San Juan. 
Esteemed Sir: — I have the honor to advise your Eminence 
that your communication of this date is received, and in reply 
desire to confirm that which I said in my former communication. 
and also to advise you that I have communicated your proposi- 
tion to the General-in-Chief. Reiterating my sentiments, I am. 
Very respectfully, vour obedient servant. 

(Signed) JOSE TOR.\L. 

Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Corps and Military Gnvcr 
nor of Santiago. 

Headquarters l-ifth Army Corps. 
Camp near Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898. 
To His Excellency, Commander-in-Chief of Spanish Forces. 
Santiago de Cuba. 
Sir : — I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I have 
already ordered a suspension of hostilities, and I will repeat 



33<J Al'l'ENDlX 

that order, granting in this manner a reasonable time within 
which you may receive an answer to the message sent to the 
Government of Spain, which time Vv'ill end to-morrow at 12 
o'clock noon. 

I think it my duty to inform your Excellency that during this 
armistice I will not move any of my troops that occupy the ad- 
vanced line, but the forces that arrived to-day and which are 
debarlcing at Siboney require moving to this camp. 

I wish that your Excellenc}'^ would honor me with a per- 
sonal interview to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock. 1 will come 
accompanied by the Commanding General of the American 
army, and by an interpreter, v^hich v;iil permit you to be ac- 
companied by two or three persons of your staff who speak 
English. Hoping for a favorable answer, I have the honor to be, 
Verv respectfully, your obedient servant. 

WILLIAM R. SH AFTER, 
Major-General, Commanding. 

Army of the Island of Cuma, Fourth Corps, 

Santiago de cuba, July 12, 1898 — 9 P. M. 
To His Excellency, the General of the American Troops. 

Esteemed Sir : — I have the honor to answer your favor of tliis 
date, inform your Excellency that in deference to your de- 
sires I will be much honored by a conference with his Excel- 
lency, the ComiHianding General of your army, and your Excel- 
lency, to-morrow morning at the hour you have seen fit to ap- 
point. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) JOSE TORAL, 

Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps. 

Preliminary agreement for the capitulation of the Spanish 
forces which constitute the division of Santiago de Cuba, oc- 
cupying the territory herein set forth, said capitulation author- 
ized by the Commander-in-Chief of the Island of Cuba, agreed 
to by General Toral and awaiting the approbation of the 
Government at Madrid, and subject to the following condi- 
tions : 

Submitted by the undersigned Commissioners — 
Brigadier-General Don Frederick Escario, Lieutenant-Col- 



APPENDIX 



33: 



onel of Staff Don Ventura Fontan and Mr. Robert Mason, of 
the city of Santiago de Cuba, representing- General Toral, 
commanding Spanish forces, to Major-General Joseph Wheel- 
er, U. S. v., iMajor-General H. W. Lawton, U. S. V., and 
First Lieutenant J. D. Miley, Second Artillery, A. D. C., rep- 
resenting General Shafter, commanding American forces, for 
the capitulation of the Spanish forces comprised in that por- 
tion of the Island of Cuba east of a line passing through 
Aserradero, Dos Palmas, Palma Soriano. Cauto Abajo, Es- 
condida, Tanamo and Aguilera, said territory being known as 
the Eastern District of Santiago, commanded by General Jose 
Toral. 

1. That pending arrangements for capitulr<-ion all hostili- 
ties between American and Spanish forces in this district shall 
absolutely and unequivocally cease. 

2. That this capitulation includes all the forces and war 
material in said territory. 

3. That after the signing of the final capitulation the Uni- 
ted States agrees, w-ith as little delay as possible, to transport 
all the Spanish troops in said district to the Kingdom of 
Spain, the troops, as near as possible, to embark at the port 
nearest the garrison they now occupy. 

4. That "the officers of the Spanish Army be pcrmittcfl to 
retain their side arms, and both officers and enlisted men their 
personal property. 

5. That after final capitulation the Spanish authorities 
agree w'ithout delay to remove, or assist the American Navy 
in removing, all mines or other obstructions to navigation 
now in the harbor of Santiago and its mouth. 

6. That after final capitulation the commander of the 
Spanish forces deliver without delay a complete inventorv of 
all arms and munitions of war of the Spanish forces and a 
roster of the said forces now in the above-described district, 
to the commander of the American forces. 

7. That the commander of the Spanish force>. in leaving 
said district, is authorized to carry with him all military ar- 
chives and records pertaining to the Spanish Army now in 
said district. 



33^ APPENDIX 

8. That all of that portion of the Spanish forces known as 
Volunteers, Movilizados and Guerillas, who wish to remain in 
the Island of Cuba are permitted to do so under parole not 
to take up arms against the United States during the contin- 
uance of the war between Spain and the United States, deliv- 
ering up their arms. 

9. That the Spanish forces w^ill march out of Santiago de 
Cuba with honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter at 
a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by 
the United States Government, it being understood that the 
United States Commissioners will recommend that the Span- 
ish soldier return to Spain with the arms he so bravely de- 
fended. 

Entered into this fifteenth day of July, eighteen hundred 
and ninety-eight, by the undersigned Commissioners, acting 
under instructions from their respecting commanding generals. 

(Signed) 
JOSEPH WHEELER, 

Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
H. W. LAWTON, 

Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
J. D. MILEY, 

1st Lieut. 2d Art., A. D. C. to General Shaftcr. 

FREDERICO ESCARIO. 
VENTURA FONTAN, 
ROBERT MASON. 

Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps, 

Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898—9 P. M. 
To His Excellency, the General-in-Chief of the American 
Forces, 
Esteemed Sir : — As I am now authorized by my Government 
to capitulate, I have the honor to so advise you, requesting you 
to designate the hour and place where my representatives 
should appear, to concur with those of your Excellency to edit 
the articles of capitulation on the basis of what has been agreed 
upon to this date. 

In due time I wish to manifest to your Excellency my desire 

tp know the re^iolution of th? United States Government r^- 



APPENDIX 339 

specting the return of the arms, so as to note it in the capitula- 
tion; also for their great courtesy and gentlemanly deportment 
I wish to thank your Grace's representatives, and in return for 
their generous and noble efforts for the Spanish soldiers, 1 hope 
your Government will allow them to return to the Peninsula 
with the arms that the American army do them the honor tci 
acknowledge as having dutifully defended. 
Reiterating my former sentiments, I remain, 

Ycrx respectfully, vour obedient servant, 

' JOSE TORAL, 

Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps. 

At Neutral Camp, near Santiago, Under a Flag of Truce, 

July 14, 1898. 
Recognizing the chivalry, courage and gallantry of Generals 
linares and Toral, and of the soldiers of Spain who were en- 
gaged in the battles recently fought in the vicinity of Santiago 
de Cuba, as displayed in said battles, we, the undersigned offi- 
cers of the United States army, who had the honor to be en- 
gaged in said battle, and are now a duly organized commission, 
treating with a like commission of officers of the Spanish army, 
for the capitulation of Santiago de Cuba, unanimously join in 
earnestly soliciting the proper authority to accord to these 
brave and chivalrous soldiers the privilege of returning to their 
country bearing the arms thev have so bravelv defended. 

JOSEPH WHEELER, 
Major-General. U. S. Vols. 
H. W. LAWTON, 
Major-General, U. S. \'ols. 
First Lient., 2d Art., A. D. C. 
J. D. MILEY, 

Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps, 

Santiago de Cuba, July 16, li'^. 
To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Fores of 
the United States. 
Esteemed Sir: — At half-past 11 I received your communica- 
tion of this date, and I am sorry to advise you that it is i.fipos- 
sible for my representatives to come to the appointed pl;.ce at 
middav, as you wish, as I must meet them and give them their 
instructions. 
If agreeable to you, will you defer the visit until 4 P. M. to- 



34° APPENDIX 

day or until 7 to-morrow morning, and in the meanwhile the 
obstacles to the entrance of the Red Cross will be removed 
from the harbor. 

I beg your Honor will make clear what force you wish me 
*.o retire from the railroad, as, if it is that in Aguadores, I would 
authorize the repair of the bridge at once by your engineers ; 
and if it is that on the heights to the left of your lines, I beg 
you will specify with more precision. 

I have ordered those in charge of the aqueduct to proceed at 
once to repair it with the means at their command. 

Awaiting your reply, I remain, 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

' JOSE TORAL, 

Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps. 

Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 

Camp, July 16, 1898. 
To His Excellency, General Jose Toral, Commanding Spanish 
Forces in Eastern Cuba. 

Sir: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
Excellency's letter of this date, notifying me that the Govern- 
ment at Madrid approves your action, and requesting that I 
designate officers to arrange for and receive the surrender of 
the forces of your Excellency. This I do, nominating Major- 
General Wheeler, Major-General Lawton, and m.y aide, Lieuten- 
ant Miley. I have to request that your Excellency at once with- 
draw your troops from along the railway to Aguadores, and 
from the bluit in rear of my left; also that you at once direct 
the removal of the obstructions at the entrance to the harbor 
or assist the navy in doing so, as it is of the utmost importance 
that I at once get vessels loaded with food into the harbor. 

The repair of the railroad will, I am told, require a week's 
time. I shall, as I have said to your Excellency, urge my Gov- 
ernment that the gallant men your Excellency has so ably com- 
manded have returned to Spain with them the arms they have 
wielded. With great respect, I remain. 

Your obedient servant and friend, 

WILLIAM R. SHAFTER, 
Ndjcr-General, Commanding. 



APPENDIX 



3AI 



Terms of the Military Convention for the capitulatior. of 
the Spanish forces occupying the territory which constitute? 
the Division of Santiago de Cuba and described as follows: 
All that portion of the Island of Cuba east of a line pass- 
ing through Aserradero, Dos Palmas, Cauto Abajo, Escon- 
dida, Tanamo and Aguilara, said troops being in command of 
General Jose Toral; agreed upon by the undersigned Com- 
missioners: Brigadier-General Don Federico Escario, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of Staff Don Ventura Fontan, and as Inter- 
preter, Mr. Robert Mason, of the city of Santiago de Cuba, 
appointed by General Toral, commanding the Spanish forces, 
on behalf of the Kingdom of Spain, and Major-General Joseph 
Wheeler, U. S. V., Major-General H. W. Lawton, U. S. V., 
and First Lieutenant J. D. Miley, Second Artillery, A. D. C, 
appointed by General Shafter, commanding the American 
forces on behalf of the United States : 

1. That all hostilities between the American and Spanish 
forces in this district absolutely and unequivocally cease. 

2. That this capitulation includes all the forces and war 
material in said territory. 

3. That the United States agrees, with as little delay as 
possible, to transport all the Spanish troops in said district to 
the Kingdom of Spain, the troops being embarked, as far as 
possible at the port nearest the garrison they now occupy. 

4. That the officers of the Spanish Arm be permitted to 
retain their side arms, and both officers and private soldier.> 
their personal property. 

5. That the Spanish authorities agree to remove, or assist 
the American Navy in removing, all mines or other obstruc- 
tions to navigation now in the harbor of Santiago and its 
mouth. 

6. That the commander of the Spanish forces deliver with- 
out delay a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of 
war of the Spanish forces in above described district to the 
commander of the American forces ; also a roster of said force* 
now in said district. 

7. That the commander of the Spanish force-;, in leaving 
said district, is authorized to carry with him all military 



342 APPENDIX 

archives and records pertaining to the Spanish Army now in 
said district. 

8. That all that portion of the Spanish forces known as 
Volunteers, Movilizados and Guerillas, who wish to remain in 
the Island of Cuba, are permitted to do so upon the condition 
of delivering- up their arms and taking a parole not to bear 
arms against he United States during the continuance of the 
present war between Spain and the United States. 

9. That the Spanish forces will march out of Santiago de 
Cuba with the honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter 
at a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by 
the United States Government, it being understood that the 
United States Commissioners will recommend that the Span- 
ish soldier return to Spain with the arms he so bravely de- 
fended. 

10. That the provisions of the foregoing- instrument be- 
come operative immediately upon its being signed. 

Entered into this sixteenth day of July, eighteen hundred 
and ninety-eight, by the undersigned Commissioners, acting 
under instructions from their respective commanding generals 
and with the approbation of their respective governments. 

(Signed) 
JOSEPH WHEELER, 

Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
H. W. LAWTON, 

Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
J. D. MILEY, 

i.s-^ Lieut. 2d Art., A. D. C. to General Shafter. 

FREDERICO ESCARTO, 
VENTURA FONTAN, 
ROBERT MASON. 



APPENDIX 343 

The following dispatch, sent by General Linares, will show 
how desperate were the straits into which he had been driven 
and how earnestly he desired to be granted authority to avoid 
further fighting by the surrender of his forces at Santiago : 

Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898. 
The General-in-Chief to the Secretary of War. 

Although prostrated in bed from weakness and pain, my mind 
is troubled by the situation of our suffering troops, and there- 
fore I think it my duty to address myself to you, Mr. Secretary, 
and describe the true situation. 

The enemy's forces very near city ; ours extended fourteen ki- 
lometres (14,000 yards). Our troops exhausted and sickly in an 
alarming proportion. Cannot be brought to the hospital— need- 
ing them in trenches. Cattle without fodder or hay. Fearful 
storm of rain, which has been pouring continuously for past 
twenty-four hours. Soldiers without permanent shelter. Their 
only food rice, and not much of that. They have no way oi 
changing or drying their clothing. Our losses were very heavy 
— many "chiefs and officers among the dead, wounded and sick 
Their absence deprives the forces of their leaders in this very 
critical moment. Under these conditions it is impossible tc 
open a breach on the enemy, because it would take a third of 
our men who cannot go out, and whom the enemy would deci- 
mate. The result would be a terrible disaster, without olnain- 
ing, as you desire, the salvation of eleven maimed battalions. 
To make a sortie protected by the division at Ilolguin, it is 
necessary to attack the enemy's lines simultaneously, and the 
forces of Holguin cannot come here except after many long 
days' marching. Impossible for them to transport rations. 
Unfortunately, the situation is desperate. The surrender is im- 
minent, otherwise v.e will only gain time to prolong our agony. 
The sacrifice would be sterile, and the men understand this. 
With his lines so near us. the enemy will annihilate us without 
exposing his own, as he did yesterday, bombarding by land 
elevations without our being able to discover their batteries, 
and by sea the fleet has a perfect knowledge of the place, and 
bombards with a mathematical accuracy. Santiago is no 
Gerona, a walled city, part of the mother country, and defended 
inch bv inch by her own people without distinction — old men 

and women wtio helped with their live, moved by th? holy idea 



344 APPENDIX 

of freedom, and with the hope of help, which they received. 
Here I am alone. All the people have fled, even those holding 
public ofhces, almost without exception. Only the priests re- 
main, and they wish to leave the city to-day, headed by their 
archbishop. These defenders do not start now a campaign full 
of enthusiasm and energy, but for three years they have been 
fighting the climate, privations and fatigue, and now they have 
to confront this critical situation when they have no enthusiasm 
or physical strength. They have no ideals, because they defend 
the property of people who have deserted them and those who 
are the allies of the American forces. 

The honor of arms has its limit, and I appeal to the judgment 
of the Government and of the entire nation whether these pa- 
tient trops have not repeatedly saved it since May i8th — date 
of first bombardment. If it is necessary that I sacrifice them for 
reasons unknown to me, or if it is necessary for some one to 
take responsibility for the issue foreseen and announced by me 
in several telegrams, I willingly offer myself as a sacrifice to 
my country, and I will take charge of the command for the act 
of surrender, as my modest reputation is of small value when 
the reputation of the nation is at stake. 

(Signed) LINARES. 

Thus surrendered to our forces about 23,500 Spanish 
troops, of wdiom about 1 1,000 had been in the garrison of San- 
tiago, the others having been stationed in garrisons outside of 
the city, but belonging to the Division of Santiago. With 
them were also surrendered 100 cannon, 18 machine guns and 
over 25,000 rifles. The troops were all sent back to Spain in 
vessels of their own nation and flying their owai flag. We 
had lost in battles with them before the surrender 23 oiTficers 
killed and 237 men; and 100 offi^cers and 1,332 men wounded. 












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